A lack of Mexican War records has vexed historians as they’ve tried to pin down where the ten companies of the 1st Dragoons operated between 1845 and 1848. It wasn’t until 1851, three years after the treaty with Mexico, that the army comprehensively recorded where the units were during the war.

Except for five companies assigned to the Army of the West, the rest lay all over the map, in groups formed from between one and three companies, from present-day Oklahoma and south into the Valley of Mexico. This complicated efforts to track troop movement and personnel from the regimental headquarters at Ft. Leavenworth, Missouri Territory.

Below is a useful summary of where the regiment’s ten companies served during the years 1845-1848. I’ve taken these from annual returns of each year (from the National Archives’ NARA M7742).

1845

Comy “D” left Fort Washita, March 26^th, marched along the Chickasaw frontier on account of false rumors of Indians being there, returned to Fort Washita April 1.  On the 23^rd April, in consequence of a false rumor that Indians had attacked “Warner’s Station,” Compy “D” marched 30 miles from Fort Washita & returned next day.

Compy E left fort Towson, March 1^st for Fort Washita & returned on the 13^th, marched again for Fort Washita on the 30^th & arrived there April 1^st.  Marched from Fort Washita April 23^rd, crossed Red River into Texas and returned the 25^th.

Compy “A” left Fort Scott on the 3^rd & reached Fort Leavenworth on the 8 May.  Comps A, C, F, G, K under the Command of Col Kearny having with him the Adjutant & Non Comd. Staff, left fort Leavenworth on the 18^th May on an expedition to the Rocky Mountains & encamped on the right bank of the Platte river, near the head of Grand Island, May 31^st.  It reached Fort Laramie on the 14^th June, leaving Co. “A” in camp near that place, the other four proceeded up the North Fork of the Platte River & Sweet Water; marched through the “South Pass” of the Rocky Mountains, & encamped on the 30^th June on the waters of Green River or the Colorado of the West; thence returning the Command reached the camp of Co. A near Fort Laramie, July 13^th, reinforced by this compy, the Command proceeded South, along the base of the mountains, passing Long & Pike’s Peaks; struck the Arkansas about 60 miles above Bent’s Fort, passed that fort on the 20^th & encamped 30 miles below it on the Arkansas river July 31^st.  Thence the Command marched on the direct route for Fort Leav-th and arrived there on the 24^th Aug & Co. “A” having been detached at Council Grove, arrived at Fort Scott the same day.—Col. Kearny accompanied by the Adjutant arrived at Saint Louis on the 30^th Aug.

Compy “I” left Fort des Moines on the 29^th May, & joined Copy “B” at Travers des Sioux on the St. Peters on the 21^st June, the latter Co. had left Fort Atkinson on the 2^nd June; this Command under Capt. Sumner left Travers des Sioux on the 25^th & on the 30 June encamped on the Saint Peters, near Patterson’s falls; thence the Command marched to Lake Travers, crossed the Chiane river on the 10^th, reached Devil’s lake on the 18^th, & returning, encamped at Lac qui Parle on the 31^st July.  Comps. B & I marched thence to their respective stations, Forts Atkinson & Des Moines, arriving at the former on the 19^th & at the latter on the 28^th August.

Comp. D & E left Fort Washita on Nov. 27^th & arrived at Fort Gibson Dec. 4, marched thence to the Arkansas line near Evansville, & arrived there Dec. 11^th.  Compy “D” left this camp Dec. 14^th & encamped near Fort Wayne Dec. 17^th.  Compy “H” left Fort Gibson Nov. 15^th & encamped on the Arkansas line nears Evansville Nov. 16^th. 26 men of Co. “B,” under Lieut. Thompson, detached from Fort Atkinson to Fort Crawford, Dec. 5^th.

1846

Hd Qrs of the Regiment at St. Louis 1 Jany.  Left St. Louis 10^th and arrived at Ft. Leavenworth 20 April 1846.

“A” Company left Fort Scott 6 June en route for Mexico.  Joined Genl Wool’s Division near San Antonio, Texas.

“B” Company left Fort Atkinson 6 June, joined the Army of the West commanded by Col. Kearny at fort Leavenworth, en route for New Mexico.  Compny B was broken up at Savonal [sic, Sabinal], N. M. and its Privates Transferred to Co.s G & I, the N. C. officers returned to Fort Leavenworth as an escort to major Sumner.

“C” Compy left Fort Leavenworth with the army of the West and arrived at Santa Fe 18 august.  Left Santa Fe 26 Sept. as a portion of an escort to General Kearny and arrived in California Dec 1.

“D” Company Stationed in the Cherokee Nation.

“E” Company left Fort Gibson 6 July.  Joined Genl Wool’s Division at San Antonio, Texas, 27 August and marched with it to Mexico.

“F” Company broken up at Fort Leavenworth June 6.  Reorganized Jeff Bks August 31.  Left Jeff Bks Oct 6 for Mexico & Arrived at Monteray 24 Nov.

“G” Company left Fort Leavenworth 30^th March on an expedition to the Six Indian Nations.  Returned to Fort Leavenworth 13 April.  Joined the Army of the West and marched for New Mexico 5 June.  Arrived at Santa Fe 18 Aug.  Stationed at Albuquerque 24 Oct.

“H” Compy left camp near Evansville 31 Jany and arrived at Fort Gibson 19 Oct.

“I” Compy left Fort Demoines 10^th and arrived at Fort Leavenworth 28 March.  Left with Army of the West for New Mexico.  Arrived at Santa Fe 18 August.  Stationed at Albuquerque 24 Oct.

“K” Compy left Fort Leavenworth 9 and arrived at fort Crawford 30 March, left Fort Crawford 6 June.  Joined the Army of the West.  Arrived at Santa Fe August 18, left Sant Fe 26 Sept as a portion of an escort with Genl Kearny and arrived in California Dec. 1^st, 1846.  Captains Moore and Johnston and Lieut. Hammond killed in action at San Pasqual, Cal, Dec. 6 1846.  Capt. Allen died at Fort Leavenworth 20 August 1846.

1847

Headquarters of the regiment stationed at Fort Leavenworth during the year.

Companies A & E doing duty with Genl. Taylor’s Army during the year.

“B” company reorganized at Jeff. Bks 1 May, left Jeff Bks 15 May en route for N Mexico via Fort Leavenworth, the company had an action with the Cumanche Indians at Grand Prairie on the Arkansas river on the 26^th day of June in which 5 privates were killed and one n.c.o. & 5 privates were wounded. Compy left camp on Arkansas river 2 July, arrived at Santa Fe August 6.  Stationed at Albuquerque 7^th Sept.

“C” Compy left San Bernardo 1^st Jany and arrived a Pueblo De los Angelos 10 Jany left the same 19 and arrived at Sandiago 23 Jany and on the 31^st marched to the Mission of Sandiago, the Co. was engaged in a Battle 8 Jany on the Rio San Gabriel on the 9^th on the planes of Mesa [?] under the command of Brigr Gen Kearny USA, left the mission of Sandiago 1 Feby and arrived at Los Angeles 30 March.

“D” Co left Fort Washita enroute to the Cumanches 1 June, returned to Ft. Washita 2 July, left Ft. Washita 26 Augt enroute for General Taylor’s Army (orders countermanded) returned to Fort Washita 29 Augst, left for fort Scott and arrived there 29 Sept, left Fort Scott 1 Oct to join the Army in Mexico under gen. Scott arrived at Vera Cruz 15 December 1847.

“F” Compy left Saltillo on the 8 Jany enroute for Vera Cruz arrived at Camp Washington near Vera Cruz on the 25 Jany.  The Co. quartered in Vera Cruz from 30 March till 12 Aprl left Vera Cruz 12 Apl as escort to Gen Scott & staff, en route to City of Mexico.  Present at the Battles at and near the City of Mexico, left City of Mexico 1 Nov as escort to train and arrived in Vera Cruz 16 Nov left Vera Cruz 29 Nov as escort to train and arrived in City of Mexico 20 Dec 1847.

“G” compy marched from Albuquerque the evening of the 23 arrived at Santa Fe 26 Jany on the morning of the 28^th the compy with the men of Co.s B & I joined Col Price 35 miles from Santa Fe enroute for Taos. On the 29^th the Co. was detached from the main body together with 100 Volunteers all under the command of the late Capt Burgwin and encountered a body of Mexicans amounting to at least 500 and routed them without loss (the enemies reported a loss 80 killed & wounded) on the 31^st it joined the main body on the 3^rd Feby the column reached Don Fernando De Taos, and on the 4^th was engaged in storming of El Pueblo in which engagement the company sustained a loss of 24 Killed & wounded of officers and men. It was Stationed at Taos until the 21 march when it left by order for Albuquerque at which place it arrived on the 29^th, since which time it has remained in Quarters doing Garrison duty.

“H” Company Stationed at Fort Gibson during the year.

“I” Company Stationed at Albuquerque during the Year.

“K” Compnay broken up 1^st Jany in California, reorganized at Jeff Bks 1 August, it left Sept 15 under command of Lt. Jenkins for Mexico reached Vera Cruz 30 Sept. (Lt. Jenkins died at Vera Cruz Cot 18.)  Co left at Vera Cruz Oct 22 and arrived in the City of Mexico Dec. 18, 1847.

{Head Quarters of the First Regiment of Dragoons

{Fort Leavenworth Mo

{April 17, 1851 Col. Th. Fauntleroy [signature]

1848

Headquarters left Fort Leavenworth, Mo [sic, actually federal Indian land, as was Fort Scott, later territory and State of Kansas] and arrived at Jeff Bks during the Month of October, left Jeff Bks for  Leavenworth Dec. 18, 1848.  Brevt. Col. Sumner joined by promotion ; [Lt] Col. Wharton deceased 13 July 1848.

A & E companies left Monteray [sic], Mex. July 25 for California and arrived there in Dec 1848.

B Compy left Albuquerque , NM 15 Feby & arrived at Santacruz De Rosalies [sic, Santa Cruz de Rosales] Mex 16 march, left their [sic] for and arrived at Chihuahua 20 March left there 14 July and arrived at Santa Fe August 10.  The compy was broken up August 21.  Lieut Love with the NC Officers and one bugler started from there and arrived at Fort Leavenworth on 28 Sept.  The compy was reorganized at Jeff Bks in Nov, left there on the 19^th and arrived at fort Leavenworth 31^st Dec 1848.

C Company stationed at Los Angeles during the year.

D left Vera Cruz on the 4 and arrived in the City of Mexico on the 22 Jany.  Stationed there and a Tacubaya until June 10 when the compy left en route for the United States and arrived at Fort Snelling, WT [Wisconsin Territory] Oct 13, 1848.

F Company stationed at City of Mexico until 12 June, when it left en route for the United States and arrived at Fort Scott, Mo. 19 Nov.

G Compy left Albuquerque N. M. 11 Feby and arrived at Santa Cruz de Rosalies Mex 9 March left their [sic, usually writing “their” for there] 18 March and arrived at Chihuahua same day.  Stationed their until 16 July left their 16 July and arrived at Albuquerque 16 Augst Station there during the year.

H left Fort Gibson in July en route for New Mexico arrived at Santa Fe 8 Sept.  Left Santa Fe on the 18^th and arrived at Socorro Sept 29.  Stationed there the remainder of the year.

I left Albuquerque 11 Feby, en route for SantaCruz De Rosalies and arrived their 9 March left Santa Cruz for and arrived at Chihuahua 18 March, left Chihuahua 16 April as escort to train of dispatches to the United States, and arrived at Bueyna [sic] Vista 18 April left their and arrived at Chihuahua 18 June left their 16 July and arrived at Santa Fe 18 August left Santa Fe 31 Sept & arrived at Taos 9 Oct.  Stationed there the remainder of the year.

K compy left Toluca Mex 2 June en route for the United States and arrived at Jeff Bks Mo Augst 17.  Compy broken up on August at Jeff Bks, reorganized at Carlisle Bks Pa. In Oct, left Carlisle 8 Oct and arrived at Fort Leavenworth 5^th Dec 1848.

The army established Fort Tejon, California, in 1854. In January of 1857, the post was struck by a series of powerful earthquakes. These quakes were, possibly, the worst earthquakes to take place in California in the past 200 years. Inspector General Edward Mansfield noted in his 1859 inspection report that the post, built almost entirely out of adobe bricks “is particularly exposed to earthquakes , and every building is cracked by them; and on one occasion the gabled ends of two buildings were thrown down by earthquakes: in a few miles off, I saw an immense crack and crevice in the earth extending for many miles, caused recently by them.”

Lt Col. Benjamin L. Beall commanded the regiment and post. He was sound asleep when the quake struck and awoke to find his bedroom wall to have fallen away from the building. That evening he issued this preliminary report to headquaters.

T`EJON EARTHQUAKE

FORT TEJON, CALIFORNIA
January 9, 1857 —8 o’clock p. m.

SIR: I have the honor to report, for the information of the commanding general of this department, that about six o’clock this morning the shocks of an earthquake commenced, and have continued with more or less violence, at intervals of five or six minutes, up to this time.  The greatest shock took place at twenty-seven minutes before nine o’clock a. m.  The destruction to property, both public and private, has been immense.  Many of the buildings at this post have been so injured as to be totally uninhabitable, as follows:
1st.  The unfinished building intended for a quartermaster’s storeroom and office.  One end of this has been thrown down, and the remaining walls badly cracked in several places.  It can be repaired.
2nd. The unfinished building intended for captains’ quarters.  This has one end thrown out of perpendicular and badly cracked.  It can be repaired.
3rd.  An unfinished building, containing two sets of quarters.  This has one end thrown down, and the other end thrown out of perpendicular, so that it will have to be taken down.  The walls sustaining the roof are secure, and the building can be repaired.  The two ends of the kitchen attached to this building are thrown down, and the main walls are cracked and injured, but the kitchen can be repaired without destroying the roof.
4th.  The unfinished building occupied by Major Blake and Lieutenants Ogle and Magruder.  This has been cracked and injured in many places, but has suffered no material injury.  I think it can be occupied with safety. Both ends of the kitchen attached to this building have been thrown down, and the remaining walls are badly cracked, but it can be repaired without removing the roof.
5th.  The quarters occupied by company “H,” 1st dragoons.  This has been cracked and shaken in many places, but not so much as to injure the stability or security of the building.
6th.  The quarters occupied by company “L,” ["I"] 1st dragoons.  One of its chimneys has been thrown down.  Its walls are more or less cracked, but it is sufficiently secure to be occupied, and can be repaired with but little expense.
7th.  The end wall of the unfinished company kitchen has been badly shaken and cracked.  The building otherwise has received no material injury.
8th.  The building occupied by Brevet Major Grier.  This has been badly shaken.  Its chimney tops hae been thrown down, its walls cracked in many places, and its plastering thrown down and injured.  I think the walls of the building secure, and that it can be occupied with safety.
9th.  The quarters occupied by Lieutenant Colonel Beall.  This has received more damage than any of the finished buildings of the post.  Its chimneys have been thrown down, its plastering broken off in many places, and one of its ends so badly shaken and cracked as to be, in my opinion, too insecure to be occupied.
10th.  The quarters occupied by Captain Kirkham.  Tthis has been badly shaken and cracked, its plastering broken off in many places, and its chimneys thrown down.  I think the walls secure and capable of sustaining a roof.
11th.  The kitchen attached to Colonel Beall’s house.  This has been badly shaken and cracked.  I consider it insecure.
12th.  The building occupied as a commissary store-house and hospital.  This has been badly shaken and cracked throughout.  Its main wall has been but little disturbed from the perpendicular, and is, I think, secure and capable of sustaining a roof.
13th.  The unfinished building intended for two sets of quarters. Upon this I can observe no material injury.  Most of the chimney tops have been cracked, and there is danger of fire being communicated through these cracks to the roofs.
Fortunately, no lives have been lost at the post.  The sick of the command are now in tents, although the weather is very cold.  The shocks have been very extended, and less severe at the post than on the Los Angeles road or in the Tulare valley.  Several of the houses in the vicinity have been completely demolished; but the injury to life, so far as heard from, has been slight.  Large fissures have been opened in the Los Angeles road, and in some places on the road there have been immense land slides.  It is said that in the Tulare lakes the water was thrown twenty feet in the air during the greater shock.  The largest trees have, in many instances, been torn from their roots.
In order that the general commanding may be informed of the havoc done to the post at the earliest possible moment, I have thought it necessary to forward this by an express.
I have the honor to report, for the information of the general, that I shall repair to the headquarters of the department by the next steamer.

JANUARY 10 — 9 o’clock a. m.
I have the honor to report that during the night, and up to this time, the shocks have continued, with much violence, at intervals.  The buildings have been much damaged since eight o’clock p. m. of yesterday.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant.
B. L. BEALL
Lt. Col. 1st Dragoons, Com’g Post.
Bvgt. Maj. W.W. Mackall,
Assist. Adj. Gen., Department of the Pacific,
Benicia, California

True copy:
RICHARD ARNOLD,
1st Lieut. 3 Artillery, A.D.C.

Assistant Surgeon Peter Ten Broeck was stationed at Ft. Tejon during these quakes and authored this first-hand detailed report.

Fort Tejon, Cala.

July 3rd 1857.

Colonel,

Wherewith enclosed I have the honor to forward

You a Table of the different Shocks of Earthquaques,

Which have been experienced at this Post from 9th of Jan.

1857, up to the present time.  I enclose you a Copy of

my Report on the Shocks of the 9th of Jan. to the Surgeon

Genl, also.

I would remark, that these (recorded on the Table)

are only the Shocks, that have come under the personal ob,,

servation of the Hospital Steward, or myself.  But that at

least as many more, as are recorded, have passed unnoticed.

Latterly, the majority of the Shocks have occurred du,,

Ring the night, and we have become so accustomed to them,

That they do not wake us, as formerly, so that unless

We chance to be awake at the time, they are not noticed.

Also in case of slight Shocks occurring, they are not

perceptible to a person, who is walking (on the ground),

or riding at the time.

The Shocks are generally oscillatory, but we have now

And then a vertical one.

The first Shock of the Earthquque and those which

Succeeded is during the month of January, were felt over

A large extent of country, but since then the circle has

Been constantly diminished, and for the last three months

the Shocks have been confined almost exclusively to the

[pg 2] Post, and its immediate vicinity.

Severe Shocks felt here, are not perceptible at the distance

of a few miles, and I have even noticed, that they vary

in intensity at the distance of only a few hundred yards;

thus a Shock which is quite severe at the Sutlers Store

will appear very slight in the garrison.

It would certainly seem, that we are in the very

centre of the disturbance, and that the Head Quarters” of

the Earthquaue are at no great distance from us.

Along the line, or rifs of the Earth, which was made

by the first great Shock, and where its effects as that time

were so terrible, the Shocks have ceased to be felt for some

Months.

Although the Shocks have continued now nearly six

Months, we can hear nothing of the opening of any Crater

In our vicinity, though we had reports to that effect

in the early part of January.

For the last t[h]ree months the Shocks have been gene,,

rally very slight, with now and then a severe one, but

no perceptible dimination in either frequency or intensity.

The only difference is, that we have become accustomed

to them, and they do not affect us as at first.  Accasio

nally the though will strike us, that perhaps another

will come equal in severity to the first, which would

undoubtedly destroy nearly all the buildings at the Post,

strained & shattered as they are from the previous

Shocks.

[pg 3] Judging from the experience of the last few months,

there seems as little probability as ever of the entire ces,,

sation of the Shocks.

The topography of the Post, is another Point; to

Which I would beg leave to call your attention, in con,,

nection with the subject of Earthquaque.

Situated in a Cañada [Canyon] or Valley of only a few hun,,

dred yards in width, and surrounded on all sides by very

high mountains, should there at any time occur a ,,land

slide” as sometimes happens in Mountanous Countries,

in connection with severe convulsions of the Earth, the

whole valley would be inevitably filled up.

I have been stationed nearly three [scribbled over “four”?] years here,

And the last winter and present summer have been

the coldest, we have experienced.

I am fin[?]

very respectfully

your obt.[obedient] servt [servant]

P.G.S. To[e]n Br[o]eck

Asst Surg

U. S. A

Col. Thos. T. Fountberoy

1st u st. Dragoons, lmdg Ft [raised t] Tejon.

[Outside of letter on envelope]

Fort Tejon  Cal.

July 3. 1857

1

F. g. ,Dept Pac, July 6. 1857.

PGS. Ten Broeck

Asst Srg. – U.S.A.

In relation to earthquaks

at Fort Tejon Cal.

In 1854-55, an expedition of dragoon and artillery recruits, under the command of Major Steptoe, left Fort Leavenworth for the Pacific Coast. Steptoe carried with him orders to spend the winter in Salt Lake City and, while there, investigate the murder of Captain John Gunnison and his party. Capt. and Assistant Quartermaster Rufus Ingalls, a former 1st Dragoon, submitted a following report of the expedition.

Report of the Secretary of War- Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress at the Commencement of the First (1st) Session of the Thirty Fourth Congress, Senate Ex. Do. No. 1, December 31, 1855 (Beverly Tucker, Washington, 1855) Vol. 2, 153

Washington City, D. C,

November 22, 1855.

General: I have the honor to submit the following summary of the principal events and useful information contained in my communication* to you in relation to the march of Colonel Steptoe’s command into the Great Basin of Utah, last year, and referred to in the second paragraph of my report of the 25th of last August. I beg this may be substituted for the letters, as they contain many repetitions almost necessarily, and touch on various business matters which do not belong to a report of the march.

The route from Fort Leavenworth. Kansas Territory, via the Big and Little Blues, the Platte, Sweet Water, the Sandys, Green, and Bear rivers, into the Great Salt Lake valley, has been marched over, and very minutely described, by Captain Stansbury, in his report to Colonel Abert of his explorations and surveys in 1849 and 1850. His maps of the basin are very much in detail, and he very a bly describes the resources of the country travelled over. The command of Colonel Steptoe followed his route almost all the way to Great Salt Lake City. The greater portion of the roule was travelled over and described by Colonel Fremont more than ten years ago. His interesting reports and maps are extant, and have been much referred to by overland emigrants as a guide. The rifle regiment also marched over this route in 1849, as far as Green river, where it turned northerly and followed the old emigrant road into Oregon. Major Cross, of the Quartermaster’s department, was on duty with this regiment, and rendered you a full and able report of the march, the route, and character of the country. The whole distance from the Missouri river to the valley of Green river, west of the Rocky mountains, is quite well understood by the army and emigrants. For these reasons I deemed it unnecessary to make a map or very detailed report of this part of our march. It is the route travelled over by the great majority of overland emigrants to California, and Oregon and Washington Territories. Many leave the Missouri river at Independence and Westport, others at Fort Leavenworth and Saint Joseph; but the different roads converge and form one great highway, touching the Platte at Fort Kearny, and following up south bank to crossing of South Fork, at a distance of nearly 500 miles from Fort Leavenworth. The Mormons, however, in their exodus, established themselves at , and near Council Bluffs, and the following spring (1847) took their way to the Platte, and followed up its northern or left bank. This side of the river is not considered so eligible and easy a route as the old one, which is the one almost exclusively travelled. General Harney has gone over this route as far as Fort Laramie, and his recent conflict with the Brulee Sioux was at Ash Hollow, on the south bank of the North Fork of the Platte, and upon this emigrant road.

When I arrived at Fort Leavenworth, on the 12th of May, 1854, the late Major Ogden had the train that was to be assigned to Steptoe’s command quite in readiness; but most of the mules were young (many only three years of age) and required breaking before being put on the march. In making his estimate for transportation he had fixed upon the same number of wagons, mules, &c, that I had estimated for, here, before leaving. The train was at once perfectly organized, and drilled every day in order to reduce the mules to working condition.

I was to take some 300 horses, but only a part of them had been assembled up to my arrival. They were being purchased in the adjacent country. In Illinois and other places, some were purchased from farmers, but many from stables in St. Louis, where they were gathered in and sold by contractors. It will be observed that, in consequence of this necessity at the time, horses of various descriptions were furnished and sent to Fort Leavenworth by land and steamboat, just on the eve of our march. It is true that nothing better could have been done, inasmuch as it was not decided to send this command overland until some time after the disastrous wreck of the ” San Francisco.” But where the public wants can be foreseen and provided for, it would be the truepolicy to employ a proper time—several months—in the purchase and gathering in at depots of horses and mules. An inspecting officer must be a superior judge of a horse not to be occasionally imposed upon by jockeys, who resort to all the “tricks of their trade” to “set up” an old or diseased animal, in order to effect an advantageous sale. That all the horses I received had been honestly inspected, I do not doubt, for I know the gentlemen, and am aware of the interest they evinced for the public service; but that several diseased horses were actually purchased and turned over to me, and subsequently died in Utah, I have established by good testimony, now on file with my property accounts.

As the horses arrived, they were turned into a large enclosure to graze. Many had probably not been on grass for years; some had the distemper; and before starting, I found it absolutely necessary to call for a board of survey, which condemned 25 of them as unfit for the march. The command left the 1st of June, 1854, with about 800 horses and 448 mules. There were 70 heavy baggage wagons, each drawn by six mules, and seven light wagons, to which were attached the horses, in strings of from 30 to 40. Before the command had advanced 100 miles, most of the horses had been attacked with the distemper; but by the exercise of great care and attention none were lost. My superintendent and chief wagon-master were old experienced discharged dragoon sergeants, and had been much on the plains. They rendered me most efficient and faithful service during the entire march. My great success must be partly ascribed to their efficiency, under my direction. I kept these horses in hand day and night. By day they were led always at a walk, two abreast, in sections of a convenient number. They were attached to light wagons, which carried the lariats, pins, &c, belonging to the section. A man rode the near leader, and he, in connection and concert with the driver of the wagon, could manage the whole section on the road. The horses could travel faster, and consequently would reach our camping ground much earlier than the mule train, when they could at once be staked out to graze.

Wherever there was the slightest apprehension of attack or theft by Indians, the whole force, of one man to six horses, remained constantly on the ground among the animals, except a short interval for meals. This was also the case in windy or very cloudy weather, when animals are apt to “stampede.” By these arrangements I took the animals through in good condition, and suffered no loss that would not probably have occurred with the same number of animals kept the same time in good pastures or stables. I received all the aid and co-operation from Colonel Septoe and his officers that they could give. They evinced much interest in having the expedition result successfully. 1 have never served with a command for which I entertain so high a regard and esteem as I do for the late command of Colonel Steptoe.

The command probably suffered fewer annoyances than fall to the lot of most parties that make so long a journey. Most of the troops had been recently enlisted, and, like all recruits, were imprudent in food and drink just at the commencement of a march. The weather was very changeable; the roads were quite muddy, and these, added to other causes, conduced to the breaking out of the cholera, which raged only a few days. I observe that this disease breaks out in that region (Fort Leavenworth) at close intervals for the past six or seven years.

The waters were high at this season in all the streams. We forded all until we reached the Big Blue, which had to be ferried. For 500 or 600 miles along this route there can be always found, during spring and summer, an abundance of good water and grass at all necessary and convenient points. Persons travelling along the Platte—and the same remark will apply to all the streams—should use the running waters of the river for culinary and drinking purposes. The waters contained in wells or most of the springs contain many deleterious substances. It is much safer to use the living running water.

The command arrived at Fort Kearny the 21st June, where it remained two days, and then moved up the Platte to ford on South Fork, which we made on the 6th July following. This river usually has given parties great trouble and delay in crossing at this season, when it was swollen by the melting of the mountain snows. On our arrival the waters were quite high; so much so, that we found all the old “crossings” impracticable. We moved above some four miles; and by surveying a meandering route, succeeded in establishing a very easy ford. What may be considered a good ford one year, may prove an impracticable one the following season, owing to the shifting of the quick-sands that form its bed. The stream here is 800 or 900 yards across. There is no timber or other material in the vicinity for rafting; of course it would be difficult and expensive to bridge it: though citizens have thrown a very substantial one across the North Fork, where, however, the stream is comparatively narrow, and the bed hard.

As we reached the Platte we saw Indians for the first time after leaving Leavenworth. The Pawnees, and others, had studiously avoided us; and that wa6 the case, as a rule, during the entire march. These Indians fled at our approach; and we saw no more until our arrival at Fort Laramie on the 16th July. Here we saw and had conference with quite all the Sioux, who affected great friendship. This was only a short time prior to the unfortunate massacre of the late Lieutenant Grattan. The Indians had dispersed the buffalo on their range between Kearny and Laramie. We were in sight of comparatively few, and for a few days only.

After remaining two days at Fort Laramie the command moved up the North Fork and forded it, on the 31st, to the left bank. From this place across the desert “divide,” some fifty miles, to the Sweet Water, is a march that very frequently breaks down emigrant trains. The whole distance is over a miserably poor, sterile, arid country. There is no timber—no trees—very little grass and good water; but an abundance of poisonous alkali springs.

We knew the country, and averaged our marches so that we passed it safely.

The Sweet Water, last season, like the Humboldt this, was in a good state for travellers. It has its source in the mountains, within a stone’s throw of waters that flow into the Gulf of California. We were now evidently very nearly on the summit of the “back-bone” of the continent. The command marched through the ” South Pass” on the 11th August. From this pass to Green river the grass is scarce, but still enough can be found by proper search. Most parties, in their journey across the plains, have the same or similar guide notes; consequently all of them seek the same camping grounds. This is a fruitful source of misfortunes and suffering to stock. We always avoided the old camp-grounds, and, of course, fared well. The grass is always consumed at the regular stopping places.

The road from Green river, across the Wahsatch mountains, is over a very rough, mountainous region. In crossing this steep range we were at our highest elevation on the whole route. The march from the Weber to the city, a distance of only 50 miles, came nearer breaking down the train than all the preceding march. In descending from the summit, where the road crosses the range, to the basin below, one goes down over 3,000 feet!

The command reached Great Salt Lake City, the first settlement in the valley, on the 31st August. My report of August 25, 1855, will be found to embrace all necessary information concerning the movements of the command, and my operations in the Quartermaster’s department for the past winter, and march this year.

The resources of Utah are many, but as yet quite undeveloped. At ention, so far, has been very properly and necessarily turned to agriculture.

By means of canafe, or large ditches for water, any area of what is now almost a barren waste may be opened to agriculture, and contribute to the support of millions of people. There is a fearful want ot timber and wood for fuel in the northern setded portion of the Territory, but there is an abundance of wood near the south, and much coal and iron. Isolated, however, as these settlements are, they can never look forward and expect to be a wealthy people, for they have no commerce; can export nothing except cattle, unless some way be found to avoid the long overland transportation. They have lands on the coast at San Diego, and quite a nourishing settlement at San Bernardino, near the Capon Pass. They propose, probably, to create a depot on the coast, and establish a chain of settlements along the southern military road; but this, afier all, would be no great improvement on the present system. The Colorado river at its great bend, nearest to the line of the basin, is only 25 miles from Los Vegas, a recent settlement of the Mormons. From this point to Fillmore, the capital and centre of the Territory, is only some 350 miles, and 150 more to Great Salt Lake City. It is a regular descent from the southern rim of the basin in Great Salt Lake City. Now, if the Colorado be navigable to the point referred to, (and persons entitled to confidence say it is,) the Mormons might introduce their supplies, and send off their surplus products by the Gulf of California; and when there is wealth and enterprise enough, they might connect the Great Salt Lake City with the Colorado by a railroad, and thus avail themselves of the coal, iron, and other resources, in the southern portion of their Territory. I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

RUFUS INGALLS, Captain, Assistant. Quartermaster.

Major General Thos. S. Jesup,

Quartermaster General U. S. A., Washington City, D. C.

A 2.

Benicia, California, August 25, 1855.

General: Having now completed my duties connected with the overland command of Brevet Lieutenant Colonel E. J. Steptoe, before leaving for the east, I deem it proper to submit the following for your consideration and satisfaction.

I have always kept you informed of all my movements and operations in the Quartermaster’s department by frequent letters, particularly of all occurrences from the time of my leaving Fort Leavenworth to my departure from Great Salt Lake City. I shall, therefore, in this sketch, touch but briefly on anything relating to the march of last year. Should you desire to embody the particulars of that march in a report, I beg you will refer to my letters to you of June 2, July 9, August 28, September 30, October V9, November 27, 1854, and February 6 and March 31, 1855. These letters contain all necessary information.

Enclosed herewith is a map of the whole region of country lying west of the Wahsatch range of mountains to the Pacific coast, between the 31st and 43d parallels of latitude. This map has been prepared with great care from the best maps and reports tnat have been published, and from notes and drawings taken by myself and other officers of Colonel Steptoe’s command. 1 hope that that part of it on and near the routes passed over by Colonel Steptoe and myself will be found quite accurate. This map shows the routes taken by the different detachments of the overland command from Great Salt Lake City to Benicia, Forts Lane and Tejon, the camps, measured distances, and the topography of the surrounding country. It is accompanied with a descriptive list, giving all necessary explanations of the character of the roads, distances, time when passed over, resources of route for grass, water, fuel, &c. These have been prepared with a view to afford you an opportunity to obtain a knowledge of the operations of Colonel Steptoe’s command at a glance, and to answer as a guide to any military expedition detached over any of these routes. I also enclose a map of the Great Basin which immediately surrounds the Great Salt Lake, Lakes Utah and Sevier. This will give you a correct idea of the character of that singular basin, the localities, number, and description of the various Indian tribes of Utah Territory. These maps are submitted in order to convey the necessary information by the eye, to those interested, and to avoid long written reports, the reading of which would, after all, fail to afford that kind and amount of information given at one view by these maps.

I received orders from the War Department on the 6th April, 1854, to proceed to Fort Leavenworth, and report for duty as assistant quartermaster with Colonel Steptoe’s command, under orders, by the plains, for California.

This command consisted of two companies of artillery, and about eighty-five dragoon recruits. In the Quartermaster’s department there were some 130 citizen employes, as teamsters, ostlers, and herders; 450 mules, 300 horses, 70 wagons, &c. There were, on an average, 300 persons, soldiers and citizens, and nine officers.

Before leaving Fort Leavenworth, Colonel Steptoe received instructions from the War Department to secure the murderers of the late Captain Gunnison, if he found it practicable, on his arrival in Utah. Up to this time it had been expected that the whole march would be accomplished by the end of September following; but to carry out the spirit of his orders, it was now foreseen that the Colonel must necessarily have to pass the ensuing winter somewhere in the basin, for the band of Indians to which the murderers belonged inhabit the country lying 150 miles, or more, to the south of our route; and at the season of our probable arrival there, these savages could easily flee to the canons and inaccessible recesses of the mountains. They can be successfully dealt with only in rigorous weather, when the snows are deep in winter, unless they are cajoled and entrapped under false promises, as some poor tribes have been by irregular troops.

In consequence, therefore, of the expected detention, it was not necessary to make long or wearisome marches, but to journey along eisurely ; for, while actually on the plains, the command engendered no extra expense, and it was to the interest of all concerned not to reach the basin until autumn.

The command left Fort Leavenworth near the 1st June, 1854, and after marching forty miles, was brought to a halt by the cholera, which raged rather fiercely for some days. It disappeared after some eight or ten had fallen victims, and from that time on to onr arrival in Cab’

fornia, the whole command was unusually healthy, suffering hardly any mortality in these elevated regions where the atmosphere is dry and pure, and the climate delightfully salubrious.

The route followed corresponds very nearly, if not exactly, with that taken by Captain Stansbury m 1849, and which is carefully, accurately and fully described by that officer in his maps and reports, as published. The geology, botany, topography, &c, of the route, and country generally, are so truly described by Captain Stansbury and Colonel Fremont, and so well known by thousands of immigrants, that it is unnecessary, even were it my province, to make any remarks descriptive of the route so far as Great Salt Lake City. I will simply observe that the march was conducted with great regularity and system ; that there always prevailed contentedness and harmony in the command; that no accidents by high water in crossing rivers, or scarcity of grass for our stock, occurred on our whole march.

The command reached Great Salt Lake City on the 31st August, 1854, having been ninety-two days out from Fort Leavenworth, and having travelled 1,216 miles. The marching days, however, were only sixty-four, making on an average nineteen miles per day.

After resting in the city two days, the march was resumed to find a suitable location for a winter grazing camp. At a distance of forty-five miles from the city, in a southwest direction, we found an uninhabited, valley called ” Rush valley,” which answered our purposes most admirably. We found it by experiment to be so very eligible, that a survey was made of the proper portion, a map of it prepared and forwarded to Washington, with a recommendation that it be declared a ” reservation for military uses.” It has been duly declared a reserve since by the President. Colonel Steptoe with his troops returned to the city on the 14th September, and remained in quarters there until last April, .5th, houses, stables, &c., having been rented for his accommodation. The climate is too cold there, and the season was too far advanced, to render it expedient to put up temporary quarters for the winter. Had this been attempted, many of the men would have fallen ill; winter would have arrived before the troops could move in ; the building would have been attended with considerable expense, and the market would have been at a distance. I regard the arrangements that were actually made, as having been the most comfortable and economical that could have been entered into. I kept the citizen employes, and most of the quartermaster’s property, such as horses, mules, wagons, at the grazing camp all winter, and until our march this last spring. The men were employed day and night cutting hay and fuel for winter use, attending to the horses and mules, and guard duty. They cut and hauled some 200 tons hay and 300 cords wood, and erected quarters, storehouses, corrals, and stables for the accommodation of themselves and animals, which are now standing in good repair, unless destroyed by Indians on the reservation in Rush valley.

The expense attending, or consequent upon the detention of this command in the basin, was quite heavy. I was the paymaster, quartermaster, and commissary, and expended from first In the Pay department ‘ $20,706 25

In the Quartermaster’s department 151,250 59

In the Commissary of Subsistence department 36,492 74

Total 208,449 58

The sums disbursed in the Pay and Subsistence departments would have been as great anywhere else, of course—probably greater in the latter department; but had the command moved on into California last year, the sum necessary to have been disbursed in the Quartermaster’s department would have been very much less; indeed it could hardly have exceeded $20,000. As-it was, however, there was no way of avoiding a heavy expenditure, unless the horses had been (as they might) sent forward last autumn. Over such matters I had no control. It was decided they should be kept all the time with Colonel Steptoe’s command ; and [ was directed to provide grain for them, to keep persons employed to groom and look after them, and to deliver them at their destinations in as good order as possible this year; all of which I have performed.

I have often informed the department that I could have delivered these horses in California on or before the 30th of last September, had I been permitted so to do, or relieved from duty with Steptoe’s command for that purpose. The horses I think, though, are better now, and will wear longer on account of passing the winter in Utah. They had never been herded, and I could not risk the experiment often. I tried to teach them to herd; but they ran themselves down so rapidly, and the Indians threatening to be troublesome, I was forced to keep them up in yards. Consequently, the forage item was a heavy one. A part of the winter was severe, and during such time all the animals (over seven hundred) had to be foraged with grain and hay.

The recruits were mounted, and their animals were foraged in the city. They were often called upon to march south among the Indians during our stay there. The keeping so many citizens in service, and horses for which forage has necessarily to be purchased, in a new and distant Territory—particularly in a Mormon community—must be sources of great expense. I make these explanations to show reasons why the disbursements were apparently so great. If I had my way, and were similarly situated in that country again, I would turn the animals out under a strong herding force, and let them run night and day. There would be considerable loss from robbery, exposure, and estray; but it could be made good, I think, with much less money than would be required to provide forage. I had not the option last winter; it was necessary to pursue the very course followed. I had citizens in service whom it was policy to retain for the march in the spring. The horses were to be in good order for an early start. Wah-kar, the celebrated Utah chief and grand robber, (now dead,) had threatened to run off the animals; had said that if we kept our horses, we “must sit upon them all winter.” I therefore kept them in hand, and lost none, scarcely, on the whole trip. If animals must, for security, be M corralled” every night, they do and will require almost as much hay

and grain as if not grazed at all during the day. The nights! are long
and cold, and the actual grazing hours are few compared with the num-
ber spent in yards. I tested this fully last winter, and the latter
months kept them up all the time. By reference to my returns, it will
be seen that the loss sustained on this march in animals is probably
less than what might have been expected with the same number had
they been stationary and in good pastures during the same time. It
does not exceed the ordinary mortality. I was ever on the lookout for
grass, water, &c, on the march, and generally rode in advance to se-
lect camps with a view to the safety and good subsistence of the ani-
mals. By scouting the vicinity of the trail—sometimes miles from it—
I most always succeeded in finding a supply of grass and water; and
I will say here, that the animals were kept in good condition during
the entire march. The command left Fort Leavenworth with a very
limited supply of clothing. I purchased and issued it to the whole
command during the time we remained in the basin, which helped to
swell the sum disbursed considerably. The wagon train was kept in
moiion during the winter hauling forage and subsistence, and fuel. The
latter was drawn from the canons, at a distance of twenty-five miles
from the city. There was, consequently, much wear and tear upon
the wagons and harness, which kept persons constantly employed to
repair them; and many purchases were rendered necessary of suitable
material to put the train in marching condition. While upon this sub-
ject, I will remark that my returns, which are now forwarded fully,
account for every cent expended; that all my purchases were author-
ized by Colonel Steptoe, and rendered necessary from the circum-
stances under which the command was placed; that the e.rtra sum
expended is chargeable to the orders that detained this command in the valley
during winter. Before I close this report, I shall show that the result
will probably prove it to have been wise policy. The detention above
referred to, the sojourn of the command among that singular people,
and the influence exerted over the wild tribes of Indians by its pres-
ence there, will have (already has had) a beneficial effect.
It will prove money well expended.

The wagon routes across the continent are so very rough in mountainous regions, and always quite circuitous, particularly from Great Salt Lake City to the bay of San Francisco, that Colonel Steptoe took measures to have the country lying directly west explored for a more nearly airline road. Two Mormons were engaged as principal explorers, and directed to explore from the south end of the Great Salt Lake, on the Beckwith route, or near to it, to Carson valley. This party left the lake in September, and returned the following November. It proved quite an expensive trip, owing, in my present opinion, to the tricky character of the Mormons. They made a most flattering report. They said they had discovered a wagon road, along which a command could move with ease, &c, saving 150 or 200 miles. The Colonel had not seen Lieutenant Beckwith’s report, nor had he any other information than that given by his exploring party; but being deeply sensible of die importance to the Territory of Utah and the overland immigrants •if laying out and opening a more direct and practicable road than the

crooked ones now travelled, he determined to take his command and the large wagon train over this new route. (See dotted red line, on my map.)

As spring approached, however, the chief Mormon, who had agreed to act as guide, became rather restive, and evinced an unwillingness to go, which caused the Colonel to distrust him, and shook his confidence in the report he had made of the road. As a matter of security, another party was organized under “Porter Rockwell,” a Mormon, but a man of strong mind and independent spirit, a capital guide and fearless prairie-man. He went out as far as the great desert tracts lying southwest of the lake, and very nearly on a level with it, and found that at that season they could not be passed over, ” unless with wings,” and returned. It proved fortunate that we did not undertake the march with O. B. Huntington as guide. The march would have been disastrous ; though Rockwell and others are of the opinion that by going on a line some thirty miles farther south, along the foot of mountains seen in that direction, a fine road can be laid out, avoiding, in a great degree, the desert. I believe such to be the case myself. I am clearly of the opinion that a suitable officer could, by a proper reconnaissanoe, lay out a road passing by ” Rush valley,” turning southwest, and going by New river, Walker’s lake, into Carson valley, and save 200 miles distance. This route having been declared impracticable, the Colonel decided to pass around the north end of the lake, and thence by the Humboldt to Carson valley. In the mean time, Lieutenant Mowry was detached with the recruits and horses due at Fort Tejon, and ordered to proceed over the southern military road to that post. By reference to the descriptive list accompanying the map, the routes taken by each portion of the command are fully described—dates, distances, name of localities, and resources are given. I shall not, then, particularize in this report as might, were it not for the map and list, be necessary.

I left Great Salt Lake City on the 29th of April, and came up with the command on the 30th. It had moved on some 35 miles to Weber river, a day or two before. The country at that season was truly beautiful, affording signs of great fertility; the grass was green and well up, and there were numerous small mountain streams running west to the Great Lake. On the west there are no streams of any account that flow into the lake; the whole region there, for many miles west and southward, is a most inhospitable and forbidding desert, uninhabited by man, beast, or reptile. In the spring it is saturated with miserable water, and is quite impassable. But on the east there are many streams, some of considerable magnitude, as the Weber, Ogden, Box Eider, and (largest of all) Bear river. For sixty miles north of Great Salt Lake City the country is settled rather thickly, in towns, by the Mormons. There are plenty of localities where fine camps can be found for any command. The march was conducted very slowly as far as Bear river. The valley of this river is quite picturesque. The soil seems good, and the grass is most abundant and nutritious, though I think the country is too elevated to admit of its being made use

successfully for grains. The nights are always cold. Before leaving the city 1 had purchased two boats, which were transported on wagons and served as beds to them, to use on this river and the Humboldt. They were of importance to us, but were abandoned in the Sierra a long time afterwards. The road should cross Bear river below the confluence of the Mad. Had we crossed there, more than 20 miles travelling could have been avoided. After leaving this river there are two marches without much good water or grass. There are springs, but their waters are not either abundant or sweet to the taste. We found no difficulty, however, in finding good camps. On a march over a rough, new country, with a large number of animals, persons should be sent each day in advance to be sure of getting the very best and most favorable localities. Such was our rule invariably, and if there, were any grass and water we always had the benefit of them. Much time and anxiety are saved by this course, not to speak of other advantages. We found the roads quite good so far as the Humboldt, except in and near the Goose Creek mountains; there the road is rough, but still very practicable, and cannot be much improved. I have never in my travels seen such curiously shaped mountains and hills as I saw from the divide on these mountains. They are of all manner of shapes and sizes, and are piled up, or seemingly thrown very carelessly together, without the remotest attempt at order or utility. The road meanders through and over this singular region until it reaches the sources of the Humboldt. This region of country from the lake through to California is infested by nomadic tribes of Indians, generally of the lowest order of beings. They are troublesome and dangerous to stock-drivers who yearly pass over this route. They are infinitely worse, and more to be dreaded now, because their native propensity to rob and murder is sharpened, excited, and refined by contact with white men of notoriously bad characters, fugitives who have gone among them. They are induced to steal horses and cattle, and then exchange them with these persons for trifles, If the truth were known, it would be discovered that finally these cattle find their way into the hands of traders who are slightly interested, probably, in the thefts committed by the Indians. The command was never molested by Indians on the whole route, but the drovers in our vicinity were frequently disturbed and annoyed by them. Colonel Steptoe was applied to for protection. A military mounted force moving through this country every year would serve to keep the road clear and safe better than any stationary command. If a company of dragoons should start from the Salt lake, another from the Dalles, or Fort Boisee, and one from Fort Reading or Lane, in each spring, and march out into the interior, say on the Humboldt, and then return to their respective posts in autumn, the Indians over all this vast area would be held in subjection; the immigrants and drovers would not be molested, the expense to government would be decreased for the time the troops might be out, and a great saving would thus be made to the army as compared with the establishing of fixed posts in the interior, which are supplied and kept up only at a great expense, and are at best inconvenient to the service and uncomfortable to officer and soldier. I make these suggestions as they correspond with my observation and experience. They are not by any means original with me. I have noticed that these small, distant and isolated posts do little more than keep possession, and exercise control over those Indians near by. At a distance of 30 miles they will commit a massacre or robbery with comparative impunity, because the posts cannot afford to send out sufficient detachments without weakening themselves too much; while a strong, well mounted marching force inspires more respect.

The command reached the Humboldt river on the 28th of May. This stream, like many others in this basin, finally disappears in the desert. It flows westerly nearly two hundred miles, then turns rather abruptly south ninety miles, and is lost in what is known as the ” Sink of Humboldt.” It is usually a source of great embarrassment and loss to stock-drovers to journey along this river, on account of the alkali waters and great scarcity of grass during seasons of high water. When the river is over its banks, and the narrow ” bottom” inundated, it becomes necessary to keep on the bluffs or sandy ridge that borders and binds the valley. There are then many sloughs and hollows, filled with water strongly impregnated with alkali, and the rivers at such times difficult to approach. There is scarcely any grass to be found, and the traveller must exercise great caution, or he will lose all his stock here. But I should say that, generally, it would be safe to travel along this river any time after the 10th of June. Our command was exceedingly fortunate. The waters were unusually low. The bottom was dry and covered with rich blue grass. The train was able to go on the now hard-bottom road; the running water of the river, which was fordable at all convenient points, was palatable and wholesome. I have never journeyed two hundred miles along any river with the enjoyment and satisfaction that I did on the Humboldt. We sometimes saw Indians near the sources of the river, but they did not appear to notice us; they were chiefly old “Diggers,” and were too busily engaged gathering seeds and insects, and snaring squirrels for their dinner, to have time to look up at us. They are like the beasts that roam over these wilds, little removed from them in instincts and habits. They are manifestly very low down in the scale of human beings. It is said they are improving since their country is travelled over so much of late years. If the whites substantially benefit these Indians, it will be for the reason that their condition could not be made worse. I have seen most all of our Indians, and the instances are rare where I have witnessed any permanent benefit resulting to the red man from contact with the white. Oil and water are more similar, and will mix on more easy terms. The Indian in the end has to “move on” or do worse.

The command reached Lawson’s (or Lassen’s) Meadows on the 10th of June. It is at this point where the river turns south, and where Colonel Steptoe detached me with the horses due at Fort Lane, on Rogue river, Oregon. The Colonel pursued the old Carson valley route with the artillery companies, and arrived at Benicia (his canimand) on the 12th of July. By reference to my map and descriptived list, a history of his march will be found. It was rather rapid and quite successful. .On the supposition that I should or ought to be sent to Fort Lane direct with the animals required there, I instituted inquiries in Great Salt Lake City for guides and information of the road necessary to follow, but could gather nothing reliable. No one there had ever been in Rogue River valley. I heard, however, that there was a road leaving the Humboldt at Lawson’s Meadows, which followed a northwesterly course and entered California near Yreka. While we remained in camp at Lawson’s Meadows, a man came in who knew some points on the way and a portion of the trail. I employed him as guide, and although he had no minute knowledge of the road, still he knew all the prominent points, and rendered good service.

Lieutenant Allston, in command of fifty dragoon recruits, accompanied me. He was not placed under my command, because it was said I could not, had no right to exercise command in the line. I contended that I was competent for assignment to a line command, though I could not succeed to it under ordinary circumstances. To avoid all controversy, it was ordered that the Lieutenant should make his marches and camps correspond to mine. I left Lawson’s Meadows on the 14th June, with 122 horses, 112 mules, and 17 wagons, and moved out 18 miles, over a very fair road, to the side of a mountain, where there were water and fine bunch-grass. From this place the road leads over a sterile, dry desert for some sixty miles, without water or grass of a good quality. It is true there are some boiling springs, and a slough with alkali water; but it is decidedly dangerous to permit the stock to more than taste of it. By taking an early start, I crossed the main desert to Black Rock (40 miles) in one day, without fatigue, and the following day arrived in a country well watered and grassed. This road was travelled by quite a number of immigrants in 1852, and the signs are sadly frequent, to this day, of their great suffering. They crossed later in the season, when the weather was hotter, water more scarce and poisonous, grass dry or eat up, and themselves in a jaded and worn down condition. I saw the remains of numberless wagons and cattle on this desert; and not being acquainted with the country in front, I almost wished myself back with Colonel Steptoe. Whole wagons were sometimes met with, and very near by would lie the bleached bones of oxen that could draw them no further. Most of the wagons had been burned. The trace was strewed with pans, boxes, tires, and all manner of property usually seen in immigrant trains. The road was quite well marked thus far, but further on it gets dim and faintly marked, and sometimes it could not be traced at all for miles. It does ?not appear to have been used since the disasters of 1852, though I am highly pleased with it; and had I stock to take through, would certainly pursue nearly this same road. In early spring most of this desert is -covered with water, and, of course, would be difficult to cross. The latter part of June is the best season. The roads then are quite hard and smooth. Black Rock is the southern point of a volcanic ridge which terminates here, near some immense boiling springs. It is a singularly picturesque and wild-looking place. It is where Colonel Fremont passed along on the 2d January,’ 1844, on his way from the Dalles south. There are very many isolated basins in this region: some quite small, others on a grand scale; in the centre of each is generally a mud lake, caused by the melting of snows. On the 17th I came to the remarkable cafion described by Fremont, who passed through it two or three days before reaching Black Rock. This canon is some twenty-five miles in length, and is one of the most wild and romantic spots I have ever seen. I had much labor to perform in order to take the train through. There were many marshy, Manry places that I was obliged to bridge and causeway. I would remark, that from the desert on to Fort Lane the grass and water were always abundant, and a more lovely and interesting country, at that season, I never saw. The animals really improved each day. The road was always quite practicable, after bestowing proper attention to the bad places. I kept a party in advance to remove all obstacles, and suffered, in consequence, very little annoyance or detention.

On the 23d June, I crossed the main ridge of the Sierra Nevada. The ascent was steep and rather long, but not rocky, nor was there any snow. Very few of the teams were ” doubled.” From the lake on the east to Goose lake on the west, is only eight or ten miles. Here distance ought to be saved, by crossing the Sierra just to the south, so as to descend at the very south end of Goose lake. I observed the pass, but considerable labor is indispensable before it would be practicable. The pass is heavily timbered, but lower and of a much easier grade than the one now in use.

From the summit we enjoyed a most extended and pleasant view; we could look far to the east and west. The lake on the east is filled with salty water, disgusting to the taste; but Goose lake, which is some forty miles long and ten wide, is a most lovely sheet of fresh water, with myriads of shore-birds and water-fowl around it. There were many clear cold streams running into it. The grass was luxuriously abundant all around. I was charmed with the beauties of the place, though sadly reminded of the fate of poor Captain Warner, (who was massacred here,) by the numerous telegraph fires of the treacherous Indians. The road passes around the south end of this lake, and upon the west shore some eight miles, and then crosses a most dreadfully and fearfully rocky divide of twelve miles, when it falls into a nest of contemptible sloughs or spring-holes, and marshy ground. This could be avoided in a great measure, I think, and much distance gained, by crossing this divide farther south, thereby making the road much more direct. The rocks on this divide are not large, but are angular and loose. They are volcanic vitrified rocks, that wear down the hoofs of animals rapidly. In this vicinity are Clear, (Am-pa,) Rhett’s, and Klamath lakes, and some serious sloughs; but I came across no very stubborn obstacles. I regard the road, considering the advantages of grass, water, &c, as a very good one. I crossed the Cascade mountains through Applegate’s Pass, or on a trace cleared by him some years ago. He seems to have done it with great judgment. The road passes over a most rugged mountainous range, and through a forest; but still it presents no obstacle to wagons. After descending from these mountains, I reached Fort Lane in 27 miles, on the 6th July, having travelled 368 miles, from Lawson’s Meadows, since the 14th June. I took in and turned over every particle of property that I started with. I neither lost nor abandoned anything on the way, and the horses and mules were in fine condition. The wagons were very acceptable at Forts Lane and Scott, as they cannot be got there from any other direction, without great expense and difficulty.

After remaining at Lane three days, I took all the surplus animals that were not wanted, and left with my party, provided with packs, for Fort Reading. These animals were turned over there on the 20th July; but, as I was responsible for the train that came with Steptoe, and as it was necessary to pay off and discharge the citizen employed, I left my party in Scott’s valley, and came with rap’dity to this post, where I arrived on the 18th July, in time to perform all duties connected with the Carson Valley command.

Since my arrival here, I have been busily occupied, with my clerks, in preparing my public accounts for the 2d and 3d quarters of this year, completing sketches, maps, &c.; so that I may be able to leave here for Washington on the 1st proximo.

Before closing this report, I trust you will permit me to indulge in a few remarks touching Utah and its inhabitants, Mormon and Indian— the more particularly as there may exist in your mind a desire to know some few facts in relation to the singular people who live there, and as hereafter events may make it interesting to have heard them. I assure you, that whatever I may remark here shall be the naked truth, told in a few lines; and if vouchers are asked for, call on Colonel Steptoe and all the officers of his command.

So much has been said and written about the Mormons, among whom we were thrown for the past winter, that were it even expected I should discuss their peculiarities, I would most certainly approach the task with great diffidence, fearing that, like most others who have touched the subject, I should permit my prejudices or prepossessions to induce me involuntarily to convey erroneous views instead of an impartial and just one. Captain Stansbury and the late Captain Gunnison have written much in praise of them; and I do not doubt their sincerity. They described the Mormons as they then saw them. If these “saints” had not sometimes raised the veil and disclosed to us their real intentions, feelings, and character, we too should eulogize them. We possessed opportunities for observing the shady side of this people, while the officers referred to always saw them in sunshine. They treated these officers with marked courtesy after their first acquaintance, and upon conviction that they had everything to gain and nothing to lose by affecting a liberal and polite feeling. But that these same Mormons had, prior to the arrival of Captain Stansbury in the Basin, and before the true objects of his visit were understood, “counselled” that he should be “whittled” off—a former favorite and prevalent pastime with them—or that he should be persecuted away by letting him “severely alone,” there can be but little question. They quickly saw that they could gain by affected friendly contact with these gentlemen, and defer to a later day an era that must dawn upon them—an era when, aside from religious frenzy and dictation, they must be obliged to regard the obligations of our ” common law” and constitulion as paramount. That they do not now so regard them, I should say is very evident to all who may have heard them—I mean the priesthood—talk, and have observed their ” counsellings.” When the Mormons are referred to, it should be borne in mind that only a few of the whole number is meant. The great mass of the people are quiet, good men, chiefly foreigners of the lower orders, who do in all thingt exactly as they are told to do by their Prophet Brigham Young and his many apostles and elders. The common people have much merit of a negative kind; for instance, they are remarkably industrious, but their industry is far from being voluntary. The task-masters above named are ever on the alert, and give them no rest, no time for sober reflection, no opportunity to wander away from the trammels of Mormonism. They are seemingly independent, but their very independence is an abject submission to the will of the iron-handed priesthood. They strive hard to seem virtuous, and talk loud of their refined morality; but as soon as the curtain is drawn aside and the real, actual social condition is viewed, one sees what is generally regarded in other communities as sensuality and corruption. I will not say more on this subject now. Mr. Ferris, a former secretary of State in Utah, has written fully and rather accurately, though too severe, on the matter. But the people would make good citizens if it were not for the fact that they are constantly impressed with the necessity of bowing down to the dictation of the priests in every transaction of life, and made to abide their decisions as final. I like the people much, and believe that they are, at all events, sincerely devoted to the Mormon religion. As an instance of the power of the priest over the people, and also of the manifest perversion of justice, I will call to your notice the trial of the Gunnison murderers, whom Colonel Steptoe had secured after long toil, considerable expense, and the exercise of great tact and judgment. It was for this that he had kept his command in the valley.

These Indians were proven guilty of murder. The judge charged the jury that the case was plain; that they must find them guilty of murder, or not guilty. The jury returned a verdict of manslaughter! the highest degree of punishment for which is three years’ imprisonment. These murderers were thus necessarily so sentenced by the judge; nothing more could be done. But by some accident (it has been said by connivance) they were suffered to escape from prison and proceed leisurely back to their band, and were at liberty when I left the lake. Thus escaped the assassins of one our most meritorious officers and of many useful citizens. To those who were present, I am credibly informed, it was manifest that the jury had received ” counsel” which was paramount to their oaths. It was known that a certain meddlesome old man had been permitted to talk to the jury, while they were shut up. Anyone can draw the inevitable conclusion. I myself have heard these priests talk in no flattering language of the chief officers of our government in their tabernacle and before their people. The government, then, should be changed without delay, if for no other reason, to separate Church and State there. I think that any upright, pure man—for instance Colonel Steptoe, who has been appointed governor—could administer the government there with satisfaction to Utah and the general government. A man should be selected who would give dignity to the office, and not degrade it by engaging in traffic as many territorial appointees have done. The people will assist, if properly called upon, to enforce our laws. They number between 40,000 and 50,000.

The Mormons have pursued a too conciliating policy towards the rude savages that surround them. They frequently suffer abuse and insolence in consequence. They hold the Indians to be ” brethren,” and have “counselled” intermarriage, and have sent forth missionaries among them. When it is well known abroad that a Mormon elder can have wives of any or all nations; that he generally does have a dozen or more: it will excite no sort of wonder or consequence if he should take a fancy to introduce two or three “Digger” squaws, just to extend a principle!

It is generally believed that the Indians there are taught to consider Mormons and Americans as different people. It is certain the Indian makes a distinction. Whether this teaching is sanctioned or prompted by Governor Young, I cannot say; but one thing is plain: be is all powerful to cause them to be properly instructed as to the real relations existing between his people and the citizens of the republic.

The map enclosed gives all necessary information concerning the Indians. They gave us no trouble ; and if a regular force were stationed there at suitable points, they could be protected in their rights, and kept from molesting the settlements.

The climate of Utah is most excellent and delightful, though rather dry. Nothing is grown there except by aid of irrigation. Last year the crops were abundant, and the people appeared prosperous; but I am sorry to learn that their old enemies and persecutors, the grasshoppers and crickets, are destroying their crops this year. They are so remote from any depot of supply that they must suffer greatly, in case the crops prove a failure.

I beg you will excuse this hastily written report, and be reminded of the esteem of your most obedient servant,

RUFUS INGALLS, Captain, and Assistant Quartermaster.

Major General Thos. S. Jesup,

Quartermaster General U. S. Army,

Washington City, D. C.

James Stevenson, a recruit in Company A of the 1st Dragoons, served as a member of an army expedition that traveled to Salt Lake City in 1854. Twenty-five years later, he wrote of his observations.

We descended the western slopes of the Rocky Mountains into the valley of the Green River, while the snowy peaks of the Wind River Mountains, including Fremont Peak, towering in the clouds on our right like the famous Alps of Europe.

As we dismount on the western slope of the Wasatch Mountains overlooking Salt Lake City on the last day of August, 1854, the valley of the Jordan in all its beauty lay spread beneath us like a beautiful picture. The “city of the Saints,” with its lead colored houses, street lined with green cotton wood trees and streams of water, like silver threads, coursing along either side of the streets, looked like a fairy scene, while the great summer sun was descending into the waters of the majestic lake, twenty miles distant, lighting it up like a sheet of burnished gold.

It was enchanting. For weeks before arriving we had been regaled with stories about Mormons, about their peculiar institutions, and of the Great Salt Lake, which was represented as receiving rivers of fresh water constantly and yet remaining very salty, having no outlet except by a great whirlpool in the centre which drew everything towards it that approached within the circle of its powerful influence.

And, as “distance lends enchantment to the view,” we looked a way off to the waters of the lake with wondering eyes and longed to stand upon upon its mystic shores.

The Mormons had been advised of our approach, and the Great Prophet Brigham Young, with his presiding Elders or twelve apostles came out to meet us, and remonstrated against taking a “licencentious soldiery” into the “City of the Saints.” It was no use, however, for in we went, and were quartered in the very heart of the city, about the two squares from the “Temple,” on the one hand, and about the same distance from the “White House of the Prophet” with its golden bee-hive for a dome, on the other. The Temple was in course of erection; the mighty foundations were laid, and the walls were beginning to rise.  The square on which it stood, called “Temple Square.” Was surrounded with a high stone wall, of excellent construction, with heavy granite capping. In one corner of the square stood the “Tabernacle,” in which the saits worshipped while the Temple was being erected. The Tabernacle was a rectangular building, constructed of “abdobes” pr sun-dried bricks. The pulpit was on the ground floor, in the centre of one of the long sides, and the seats rose in a semicircle around it, from floor to eaves, like a giant amphitheatre. Here we sat, on several occasions, to hear the “Prophet” or some of the leading Elders scold and threaten the women for their reported intimacy with the “gentiles.” And especially with the soldiers, and the language used was not very choice.

It was of no avail, however, as the fair but fickle creatures seemed very partial to the “blue jacket,” and several of the soldiers took to themselves wives and carried them willing captives to Oregon and California. Wherever U.S. soldiers are stationed, it is the custom to have a flag-staff on which the national colors are hoisted at “Reveille” every morning and taken down at “Retreat” every night.  When we entered Salt Lake City, we sent out to the mountains and had a suitable pole prepared and had it brought in to be erected.  The Mormon authorities objected to this, but we put it up in spite of them.    This caused much ill feeling, which finally culminated in a riot, of which I shall speak presently.

In October, 1854, we set out on an expedition through the Wah-satch Mountains after the Utah Indians who had massacred Capt. Gunnison and his party the previous year, as I have before stated.  The weather looked favorable when we started out, but it soon began to snow. Then it turned to sleet, which froze as fast as it fell, and we had a rough time of it. The men had their ears, hands, and feet frozen, and some poor fellows lost their toes.  I never suffered so much from cold before in my life, and not often since. At last, having eaten everything they had, the Indians signified their willingness to make a treaty and give up the men of the tribe who had been the most prominent actors in the massacre. Accordingly, we met the tribe to a number of several thousand at the town of Parowan in the central part of Utah territory, had a big “pow-wow,” a grand feast and a war dance, and some half  dozen of the murderers were turned over to our tender mercies.

“Walker,” the head chief of the Utahs, had died a short time before, and there was a dispute as to who should be his successor. There were six or seven aspiring, all brothers or sons of the deceased chief, some of whom were for peace and some for war.  The latter were favorites with the young bucks of the tribe, while their “elders” favored the “peace policy.”

The mediation of the military was invoked, and there was a lively time at that pow-wow.  “Arrowpin” was for war, and I never heard such a harangue as he delivered on that occasion.  He was a splendid specimen of physical manhood and a great orator.  His gestures and attitude, together with the sonorous sound of his voice and the flashing of his eyes, were something grand to hear and see.  His claims were ignored, however, in favor of a less warlike chieftain, upon which the “young bucks” and warriors threatened insubordination and left the assembly.

We then returned to Salt Lake City with our prisoners, and in the course of time they were convicted and two of them sentenced to be hung, while the others were sentenced to imprisonment for different periods. [i]

The names of those that were hung, were, Long-Hair and White-Tree.  They showed no signs of fear on the gallows and died game.  We learned afterwards that those who were sent to prison escaped, and I have no doubt the Mormons connived at it in order to ingratiate themselves with the Indians.

During our absence on the expedition, one of the Lieutenants who remained to take charge of the barracks was insulted by Brigham Young, Jr., a son of the Prophet.  The Lieutenant was out riding with some ladies when Brigham came dashing up behind them and lassoed one of the ladies, and afterwards played the same game on the Lieutenant.  The latter was unarmed and could not defend himself.  He challenged the rascal to mortal combat, however; but Col. Steptoe and the city authorities interfered to prevent the hostile meeting.

There was a theatre in the city at which some of the young ladies of the place were performers, and one night we had a riot there which added fuel to the flame of ill feeling between Mormons and soldiers; and on Christmas, or New Year’s, I forget which, there was a regular outbreak in which rifles and revolvers were freely used, and several on both sides wounded but fortunately no one was killed. [ii]

The Mormon “Minute Men” turned out on horseback in great force, and patrolled the city, night and day, and the soldiers were kept in their barracks until the spirit of the parties cooled down. One night during the existence of this prohibition, I went out with friends to an evening party, and we had a serious time getting back to our quarters. The “Minute Men” got after us. But as they were mounted and we were on foot, we could defy them by dodging up alleys and over back fences. There was only one way of getting into our quarter, however, without being seen by the guard, and that was by swinging around the end of a very high fence, which connected a short ways over a canal in the rear of our barracks. I was just in the act of performing this feat when the sentry heard me and challenged. I made no reply, only redoubled my efforts to “swing the corner,” and he called for the Sergeant of the guard. In my efforts to get around the fence, I fell into the canal, heels over head, with a loud splash. I heard the guard coming and scrambled up the bank as fast as I could, and made for the quarters.  On entering I jumped into the first bunk I came to, and its occupant, who was none other than our German friend, “Ter Tyvel,” jumped out on the floor, wet to the skin, swearing like a trooper. Just at that moment the guard rushed in and seized the poor Dutchman, and dragged him off to the guard house. I heard him remonstrating, but the guard were so sure of their man on account of his wet clothing, that they wouldn’t listen to him. The Sergeant of the guard was an Artilleryman named McNamara, a red headed Irishman, who hated the Dutch, and I could hear him cursing the poor prisoner, ordering him to shut up. Before “Revielle” in the morning I went to the guard house with a little flask and prevailed on the Sergeant to let the poor Dutchman out, as his name had not yet been entered on the guard report.

[ii] Columnist Will Bagley wrote:

Most early holiday celebrations were humble, but when U.S. troops visited old Salt Lake City in 1854, soldiers celebrated Christmas with a drunken brawl aimed at the Saints. Army Colonel Edward Steptoe had orders to stop in Great Salt Lake City to investigate the murder of Captain John Gunnison and his surveying party in 1853. One of Steptoe’s officers noted, “the principal object in our wintering here” is to avenge Gunnison. Relations with the Army started off well enough after Steptoe arrived in September, but by December feelings were as frosty as the weather. As John Gunnison had noted earlier, Mormons dreaded the contaminating influence of idle soldiers, especially the possible effects of “the gallantry of epaulettes upon their peculiar institution of polygamy.”

Several of Steptoe’s young lieutenants used their epaulettes quite effectively, wooing Mormon girls and plural wives who were fed up with polygamy. Lt. Sylvester Mowry courted the wife of one of Brigham Young’s sons and claimed the prophet’s feisty fifteen-year-old daughter, Alice, told him: “Salt Lake needs only to be roofed in to be the biggest whorehouse in the world.”

To keep the peace, local authorities tried to ban the sale of alcohol, but thirsty soldiers could always find a drink on “Whiskey Street.” Matters came to a head on December 23 during a play at the social hall. Mormon lawyer Hosea Stout reported a “considerable melee” broke out when the police tried to arrest a soldier in the audience.

Lt. LaRhett Livingston wrote home: “I got my face scratched & hand lamed in trying to quell the disturbance.” Lt. Mowry was knocked down early in the action but was not injured. Officers kept the fight from becoming a riot. The pot boiled over, however, on Christmas Day. Drunken soldiers, reportedly hunting for a fight, hit the streets early. Livingston blamed the trouble on the “desperate set of rascals infesting this City” and noted the soldiers “will not be run over if they can help it.” Within minutes, there was a general riot in the streets involving 300 “rowdies about town and drunken soldiers.”

Some shots were fired on both sides, but no one was hit, Livingston observed. “The stones and clubs did better execution.”

Apostle George A. Smith reported the “young growth” among the Mormons put up a stout fight: “Fists, sticks, clubs and stones were used freely.” Officers and the police finally quelled the riot and Colonel Steptoe confined his men to barracks for the rest of the holiday. He threatened to move them far away from town, and the prospect of spending the winter in tents at Tooele helped keep the men under control.

Officers and local officials patched up relations at an elaborate New Year’s Ball thrown by Territorial Governor Young. He had a large green silk banner painted with a saying that still conveys a useful message: “Peace to the Stranger.”

From a 1854 entry in the previously unpublished journal of soldier James Stevenson, 1st Dragoons:

That winter a court martial was convened at the barracks to try a number of deserters, who were under guard, with ball and chains attached to their ankles.  They are found guilty and sentenced to receive fifty lashes each upon the bare back, to have the letter “D” branded upon the hip, and to be drummed out of the service.

When the day for the execution of the sentences arrived, the troops were drawn up in lines forming three sides of a square, to witness the punishment that might deter them from deserting.  It was the duty of the officer of the day to superintend the execution of the sentences.  A gun carriage was placed on the fourth or vacant side of the square so that all the troops could see, and each prisoner in his turn was lashed firmly to the wheel, having been previously stripped to the waist.  The drummer of the infantry and the buglers of the cavalry administered the stripes with a rawhide; and a more brutal exhibition I have never witnessed.  When a blow was struck which did not seem hard enough, the officer of the day would not count it, so some of the prisoners received sixty stripes instead of fifty.

When a man fainted under his punishment, restoratives were administered, and if the surgeon thought he could still stand it, he received his full allowance.  In one case, the surgeon pronounced a man physically unable to stand the punishment after being restored from a fainting fit, and he was led off with about thirty stripes.  When cut down from the wheel, their backs were rubbed with brine which, although said to be for their good, caused them dreadful suffering, if we could judge by their groans and cries.  After a few days’ medical treatment, the letter “D” was pricked into their skin with India ink, and, with shaven heads, they were marched around the parade ground, the soldiers standing in line to witness the performance.  The drums and fifes played the “Rogues’ March,” and a file of infantry, with bayonets at a charge, marched behind the culprits, and conducted them some distance beyond the limits of the barracks.  Thus ended the inhumane and humiliating spectacle; I can truly say that, instead of filling the hearts of the soldiers with fear and exercising a restraining influence over them, it only filled them with hatred for a service in which such brutal punishment was practiced, and produced a strong desire to get out of it in any way possible.  I do not blame the officers, for they were, as a rule, humane and gentlemanly in their treatment of the soldiers.  It was the fault of the system, and I am happy to say that it has since been done away with.

After the exhibition of cruelty, I was very anxious to get away from “garrison duty” and to enter upon the more dangerous, but vastly pleasanter duty, of “life upon the plains.”’

ARMY AND NAVY CHRONICLE, Vol. IX, No. 18, October 31, 1839 (Whole Number 263)

DRAGOON EXPEDITION.

Fort Leavenworth, Oct. 3, 1839.

Mr. Editor: During that portion of the year in which the prairie grass will sustain horses, it has been customary at this post to detach squadrons or troops, monthly, on a march of reconnaissance along the frontier, to the vicinity of those Indian tribes whose known propensities would lead to the supposition of their committing depredations upon the property of the whites, or of whom complaints had already been made of outrages actually committed. A short account of a March of this kind, of more than usual interest, made during the past month, to the Otoes and Missourias, may not be uninteresting to some of your readers.

In consequence of complaints made of the evil disposition manifested by the Otoes towards the whites, particularly in their conduct to the employés of the Government living among them. Col. Kearny, in immediate command of two squadrons of his regiment, left Fort Leavenworth on the 5th September, to visit them at their villages on the Great Platte river. The officers of the expedition were Col. Kearny, commanding; Major Wharton, Adjutant Thompson, Surgeon Macomb; Capt. Boone, commanding 1st squadron; Capt. Allen commanding 2d squadron; and Lieutenants Steen, Davidson, Chilton and Bowman.

Following, generally, the old ‘Council Bluffs” road, on the south side of the Missouri river, the troops moved leisurely onward, over a country luxuriant, picturesque, and at some points beautiful; the monotony of the march being varied by, at one time, the necessity of cutting down the abrupt banks of some prairie stream, to allow the passage of the wagons, and, at another, of turning from a direct course to head some hollow whose marshy bottom would bear neither man nor horse. In this manner, by easy marches, Wolfe river, the Great and Little Nemahaw, Table Creek, L’eau qui pleut, and many streams of lesser note being crossed, and the site (a most eligible one) for the new post on Table Creek having been visited, we finally stood upon the batiks of the Great Platte. This river, being low, was fordable by horses, but its bed abounding in quicksands rendered the crossing entirely impracticable to loaded wagons. An opportunity was thus offered of testing the utility of Capt. Lane’s admirable application of India rubber to purposes of military economy. A small box, of little weight, containing a boat capable of transporting about 1500 pounds weight across a rapid stream, having been brought with us, the cylinders were inflated and the boat launched. It is almost superfluous, after the many testimonials in its favor, to say that the boat answered all the purposes of its invention, uniting with an ease of management and a readiness of transportation, which must give it entire precedence over every other kind of ponton yet offered to the consideration of the military public. On the sandy beach of this river we found the bones of one of three dragoons who had been drowned a few months previous, while conducting to their tribe some Omahas taken prisoners by the Sacs. The now useless sword and belt and cartridge-box, lying with their owner’s remains, and marked with the letter of his company, and his number, identified the individual. The skeleton, having been placed in a box, was conveyed to our camp, and that evening buried with the honors of war.

The point of our destination having been reached, the Otoes were invited through their agent, Mr. Hamilton, to a council on the 16th. After a delay of unusual length, though at no time remarkable for punctuality, a long string of warriors, boys and women, gave notice of the approach of the nation. The whole assembly having halted a few hundred yards beyond our chain of sentinels, some twenty of the chief men, having dismounted, approached the encampment, and being led to the commanding officer, took their seats in council; on being told, however, that the whole nation were invited to hear what was, to be said to them, the greater portion of the people came forward, taking their stations in concentric circles around the council fire. Observing that, contrary to custom, the Indians had come into council armed, the commanding officer refused to have any thing to say to them while thus equipped, and directed them to lay aside weapons which he neither feared nor had come to contend against. This being done, Col. Kearnv addressed the council.

He told the Otoes that he was glad to see them ; he said he was the representative of their Great Father, the President, who had placed him in their vicinity to observe their conduct; that many reports of their

misconduct towards their white brethren had reached his ears, that as it would be hard to make a whole nation suffer for the acts of a few individuals, he should only punish the most prominent of those against whom complaints had been made; he called upon Kanzas Tunga (Big Kaw) to deliver to him some young men whom he named. (Three young men having been delivered to him, the commanding officer proceeded,) that as these young men had acted badly towards the whites, he intended to punish them before the nation, that it might be a lesson to them would all for the future not to molest the white man—that should the punishment then inflicted fail in producing the intended effect, and he should again hear com- plaints of their bad conduct, it would be as easy for him to visit them again as it had been them; in con elusion he advised them, in their difficulties, to seek counsel from their agent, who would always hear their complaints and assist them.

Kanzas Tunga, Waronisa, Le Voleur, and most of the leading men replied, generally admitting that

their young men had acted badly, but that they were not able to restrain them,” and two of the old chiefs, Waronisa and Le Voleur, offered themselves for punishment in place of the prisoners.   One fine looking young chief came forward, and under great excitement said, “My Father, I place myself among these prisoners, whatever punishment you inflict on them, let me undergo first.”" Cha-ra-to-rishe, or Chef Malade, the head chief of the Pawnees, who with a few of his chiefs, was present, reproached the

Otoes for their conduct, for their turbulence and internal discord; and for the murder of the only man

among them, Jotan [in April 1837]—told them he could manage his young men, and if the Otoe Chiefs could not do the same, they were unworthy the title.

The agent, Mr. Hamilton, now rose, and requested  Col. Kearny to give to him the prisoners, and not to

punish them: that he would be answerable for their future good conduct, and that he thought the nation

would be as much benefited by what had already passed, as if the punishment had actually been inflicted. To this request, after some consideration, the Colonel yielded, and addressed the Otoes again, saying, that as their peace-father had interceded for their young men, he had given them to him—that his intention had been to whip, not to kill, but to whip them there, publicly, before the whole nation, that all might know that they had been punished, and that should he ever have cause again to visit them for their misconduct, his ears would be closed to all solicitations from their agent.

Mr. Hamilton having then explained to the Otoes the pledges he had made in-their behalf, and restored the prisoners, advised them to conduct themselves in good faith towards the white people sent among them by their Great Father for their benefit, and to remember all that had been said to them. The council then dissolved. The Otoes had been much alarmed, and had probably expected that some of their people were – to be killed, or that some treachery was intended, and had accordingly come to the council prepared for the

worst, to fight if necessary, but with no intention of doing so unless forced by an attack by the troops. They were evidently much relieved by the result, and the lesson they have received in the firmness displayed by Col. Kearnv, together with the contempt for their prowess, and confidence in his own resources which he evinced in the council, will doubtless restrain them within proper limits for at least some years.

On the 17th the Missouri river was passed, the horses swimming it, and the camp for the night was formed at one of the Pottawattamie villages. These Indians having been invited to council on the following day, some dozen of their head chiefs appeared, and the commanding officer spoke to them of the invitation of the Government to enter into a new treaty with them or an exchange of their present lands for others lying on the south side of the Missouri. He advised them to accompany the agent of the Government, Capt. Gantt, to examine these lands, and explained to them the difference between living in a territory under the laws of the United States, and within the limits of a State enacting its own laws, and which would certainly extend its jurisdiction over such Indian tribes as might be embraced in its geographical boundaries: that in a few ???rs such would be their situation in their present residence ; he therefore would advise them, as their friend, to accede to the wishes of their Great Father, at least so far as to examine the country which he wished to give them in exchange for theirs. He concluded by saying he spoke to them as a friend, not as the authorized agent of the Government. The orator of the nation replied, simply, that heretofore their ears had been deaf to all words upon the subject of their removal, but that they had now heard the advice of their Father, they thanked him for it, they were glad to see him, and would always be glad to see him at their towns.

These Indians complain that a treaty has been made with them, which has only been partially fulfilled, and that therefore they are unwilling to enter into any new engagements with the Government.  There is truth and justice in the remark; and if it is really the wish to remove the Pottawattamies to the other side of the Missouri river, the stipulations of the late treaty should, at once, be complied with, or any attempt to institute a satisfactory negotiation for an exchange of lands may be considered futile. The command returned to Fort Leavenworth on the 25^th September.

A letter, written by Dragoon Lieutenant Clarendon L. Wilson to Dr. Armistead Mott, of Leesburg, Virginia, was folded and sealed without an envelope, as was the custom of that period. Dr. Mott was the father of our present experienced and efficient military attache in Paris, Colonel T. Bentley Mott. Lieutenant Wilson graduated at West Point in the class of 1846. He crossed the continent to California with the column from Fort Leavenworth and returned to New Mexico in 1850. He participated in the actions at Embudo and Fernando de Taos, New Mexico, on the march out, and was brevetted first lieutenant for his conduct. He was promoted to first lieutenant, First Dragoons, in 1849, and died at Albuquerque, New Mexico, in 1852, at the age of 28 years. In this connection my attention has been attracted to the very large proportion of deaths, at early ages, of young officers who entered the service from the Florida War to the Civil War. The hardships were great and food limited and poor during that period.

William Harding Carter,

Major General, Retired.

Fort Leavenworth, Aug. nth, 1846.

Dear Mott,

I reached this place two days ago and having a little time to spare take , this opportunity of writing to you. I found here more than two thousand troops, (if these untamed volunteers deserve the name) but the number is daily diminishing as they are put en route for Sante Fe. This place is, at present, a perfect Bedlam—”the damnedest noisy, dusty place that I have ever met with. You can hear nothing; for the teamsters are breaking mules and oxen to the wagons, and cursing, yelling at and thrashing them incessantly. The Mormon force are getting under headway today. I have just seen the rear of the 3d Mormon company file past. There are several more of the same command to leave to-morrow. The Mormons are the most orderly of the forces that I have seen at this place. I think that they are more likely to do credit to themselves, if brought into action, than the other volunteers.

This is a very pretty place—just on the outskirts of civilization—lots of Indians in their original wild state visiting it every day. I wish that you would come out and try this trip—I think (throwing out of consideration the hardships) that we shall have a tall time. It is a much more expensive affair than I had anticipated. The outfit is an extensive one in the line of articles necessary for a prairie life, such as cooking utensils, blankets, knives, axes, oil-cloth (to protect against the expected long rains) quantities of woolen clothing, horses or mules, &c, &c, &c. I am going out in company with one of my classmates and we club together in the major part of the outfit. Mules are selling at from 80 to 130 dollars—”horses at about the same, although you can get some knotty, stinted old fellows at less. Mules and horses are in the greatest demand—”one might make his fortune, if he had grazed this kind of cattle largely. Myself and friend had to purchase 5 horses between us, one apiece to ride in order to spare as much as possible our parade horses, the other for our servant: it being absolutely necessary to get a servant at any rate of hire—the officers here saying that “it was absolutely necessary.” I should have preferred getting three mules, but the rate at which they are selling is too exorbitant.

We are now nearly ready, so far as our personal effects are concerned, to set out, but are detained by order of the ranking officer at this post. He says that he wants to send me out with a supply of government stores under my charge. There is another officer here who perhaps will start out in charge of them and as he is much my senior in years, I should like it a great deal better as it would take the responsibility off my hands. If I am sent, I shall have a company of Mormons, I expect, as an escort and if the Comanches undertake to carry the stores off, they’ll catch hell or I’m mistaken. If I command them, perhaps, I shall get off in a day or two, if not I shall be detained perhaps a week. It has been almost a week since I commenced this letter.

The greater part of the Mormon and other volunteers are now on their way to Sante Fe. Ge1 Kearney is in all probability there at this time as an express arrived from Bent’s Fort a day or two ago, saying that when he left, Kearney proposed leaving Bent’s the next day and marching into Sante Fe. The distance between the latter places is about 12 or 14 days march. The express thinks that there is no chance of a fight. Capt. P. St. G. Cook of the 1st Dragoons had been despatched with 12 men and a flag of truce to Sante Fe. You will perhaps learn from the papers the information brought by the express, more correctly than I did, amidst the bustle and confusion here. If I had had my own way about the matter I should have been on the Sante Fe trail 5 days ago at least.

Give my love to my sisters, my respects to all my friends, substituting names, particularly the Greys’, Harrisons’, Tylers’, Powells’, Masons’, Bentleys’, Sinclairs’, &c, &c, &c. Tell Charley and John Wildman that they had better come out with you and try this trip.

C. I. L. Wilson,
1st Reg. Dragoons.

(The Cavalry Journal (Jan. 1922) vol. xxx1, no. 126, p.300)

Construction of fort moore, saints and dragoon em:

dan tyler diary, p 279:

Orders No. 9.)

“head Quarters S. M. District,

Los Angeles, April 24, 1847. The Mormon Battalion will erect a small fort on the eminence which commands the town of Los Angeles. Company A will encamp on the ground to-morrow forenoon. The whole company will be employed in the diligent prosecution of the labors for one week, but there will be a daily detail of a noncommissioned officer and six privates for the camp guard, which, with the cooks absolutely necessary, will not labor during their detail. The hours of labor will be from half past six o’clock until 12 o’clock, and from 1 o’clock until 6 o’clock. The guard will mount at half past 5 o’clock.

(2) Lieutenant Davidson, First Dragoons, will trace tomorrow on the sight selected, his plan, which has been approved of, a fort with one small bastion, front for at least six guns in barbette, assisted by the company officers. He will have the direction, as superintendent, which pertains to an officer of engineers. As assistant quartermaster, he will procure the necessary tools.

P. St. George Cooke,

Lt. Col. Commanding.”

The 25th of April being Sunday, the Colonel’s ever lucky day, or general day to commence marches, company A moved on to the hill, in obedience to the Colonel’s order. There were various rumors afloat about an expected attack from the Spaniards and Indians that night. Colonel Cooke directed our officers, especially Captain Hunt, to have the Battalion ready to form a line’of battle, at a moment’s notice, with loaded guns and^fixed bayonets.

The 25th of April being Sunday, the Colonel’s ever lucky day, or general day to commence marches, company A moved on to the hill, in obedience to the Colonel’s order. There were various rumors afloat about an expected attack from the Spaniards and Indians that night. Colonel Cooke directed our officers, especially Captain Hunt, to have the Battalion ready to form a line’of battle, at a moment’s notice, with loaded guns and^fixed bayonets.

We were up most of the following night, owing to the Colonel believing we would be attacked. The enemy did not appear, however, and the remaining portions of the Battalion were ordered to remove to the hill as fast as the companies received their pay.

Company C arrived from the Cajon Pass, having received ordeis from Colonel Cooke, by express through a dragoon Corporal, stating that another war seemed imminent. The detachment under Lieutenant Pace also arrived, having been ordered back by an express, the Colonel very properly withdrawing all protection until he had assurance that the conditions of the armistice, already detailed, would be kept by the Californians, and until they and Fremont’s men ceased their threats. They were also given to understand that in case they came upon us no prisoners would be taken. They, of course, understood what that meant. The instructions to the Battalion were to the same effect: “Take no prisoners—”show no quarter, nor ask any.”

Our position on the hill commanded Los Angeles, upon which our artillery would have played to good advantage, and the city would doubtless have been destroyed; but with the prospect of the Mexicans again rising and the low murmurings of civil war hardly ceasing to salute our ears, what the end would have been is difficult to say.

What few dragoons there were, were true to their country and to the Battalion, and none of the latter could be insulted with impunity in the hearing of the former. When bullies came into the town and began to impose upon the “Mormon boys,” the dragoons would not allow them to take their own part if they could avoid it, but would say: “Stand back; you are religious men, and we are not; we will take all of your fights into our hands,” and with an oath would say: “You shall not be imposed upon by them.” Several instances of the kind might be named, but it is not deemed necessary.

Company A commenced work immediately upon their arrival at the new camping place, at excavating the ground for the fort, and the work was afterwards prosecuted by twentyeight men from each company, who were relieved every fourth day.

On the 29th, twenty-eight volunteers came in from Santa Barbara, bringing us some ammunition.

On the 4th of May, an order was read from Colonel Cooke, giving the Battalion the privilege of being discharged on condition of enlisting for five years as U. S. dragoons; but under the circumstances, the generous proposition could not consistently be accepted.

From the journal of soldier William Antes:

Arrived at Fort Tejon California on the 25th of June, 1855-we reached our destination-For Tejon, California. Here we encamped near company”A” first US Dragoons which we had come to join. In a few days we were joined to that company making it members 126 men. Our horses were taken care of and we had no duty to perform for three weeks. Lieut Sylvester Mowry and Lieut. Chandler left us to join their own proper commands. The officers at this post were Lieut. Col.Benjamin Beall, Captain John W.J Gardiner, Lieut Thomas Castor and B Second Lieut. John Pegram: Captain Kirkham, quartermaster and Doctor Tenbrock surgeon.Here the were building a large military post and most of the men were on extra duty. John Barry was put in the guard house upon on arrival here for pointing his gun at Lieut. Mowry. At this place desertions began in earnest.I have known as many as half a dozen to take French leave in a single night. The boys all seemed to have taken the gold fever. Some of the deserters were recaptured but many of them we never saw again. Those captured were generally punished by an imprisonment of a few days in the guard house. Our colonel did not want any prisoners and was once on the point of burning the guard house down. Our captain dissuaded him from this step.

Don Fernando De Taos, N. Mex., February 16, 1847.

Colonel: I have the honor herewith to transmit the monthly return of the late Capt. J. H. K. Burgwin’s company (G, First Dragoons) for the month of January, 1847.

I have signed the return myself, and in order to explain it beg leave to submit the following statement:

On January 23 Captain Burgwin marched with his company from Albuquerque, a town on the Rio Grande, 70 miles distant from Santa Fe, to join Colonel Price. He reached the latter place on January 26. On 28th he joined Colonel Price with his company at a town on the Rio Arriba, 35 miles from Santa Fe in the direction of Taos.

On the 29th he was sent forward in command of a detachment, made up of his own company and about 100 volunteers, to drive the enemy from a stronghold in a mountain pass near a town called Embudo. Early in the day Captain Burgwin found the enemy posted on the heights, in the ravines, and behind all trees and rocks where shelter could be found. The enemy numbered about 500, consisting of Mexicans and Pueblo Indians. Captain Burgwin at once engaged the enemy by ordering Captain St. Train’s company of citizens and mountain men to dismount and skirmish on the left of the road.

At the same time I was ordered to throw out the dragoons on the right and left. The action lasted about two and one-half hours. The enemy was put to flight with considerable loss and was pursued more than 2 miles from hill to hill through the ravines, and was completely routed and driven beyond the town of Embudo, of which Captain Burgwin took possession and in which his command camped on the night of 29th. In this engagement Captain Burgwin lost 1 man killed and 1 wounded. The enemy lost, so far as could be ascertained, about 20 killed and 60 wounded.

On January 30 Captain Burgwin joined Colonel Price at a town called Trampas, 15 miles from Embudo. On 31st the march was continued toward Taos Valley, which Colonel Price reached on the evening of February 2 with his command. On the evening of 3d a march of 6 miles was made to the Pueblo de Taos.

After an attempt to reduce the place by a bombardment it was found impracticable, and Colonel Price returned to Don Fernando de Taos for the night. Early on the morning of 4th the town of Pueblo de Taos, in which the enemy to the number of 1,000 was fortified, was attacked at different points by the artillery and musketeers.

At about 11 o’clock a. m. Captain Burgwin, in command of his own company and a part of Captain McMillins’s company, Missouri Volunteers, charged the town from the front and carried by storm all the outward defenses up to the walls of the church. A simultaneous charge was to have been made on the left flank by a portion of the large force of volunteers stationed there beyond effective rifle range, but from some mistake the dragoons were first in the charging, and for some time were exposed to the galling fire of the enemy through loopholes in the church and main buildings. It was during this period that Captain Burgwin received a mortal wound. The main force, however, coming up soon, carried the church and put many of the enemy to flight. The town was carried and the battle closed near night, having killed about 150 of the enemy.

I assumed command of the dragoons, being the next officer in rank and having served with them in all the engagements.

Capt. J. H. K. Burgwin died on the morning of February 7. In the action of the 4th Company G, First Dragoons, lost 7 killed and 16 wounded, exclusive of the captain. I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,

Rufus Ingalls, Second Lieutenant, First Dragoons

Endorsement

Headquarters, Fort Leavenworth,

April 1, 1847. Sir: It is with more than ordinary grief that I herewith inclose an official report of the death of Capt. J. H. K. Burgwin, of the First Regiment Dragoons, who was mortally wounded in the battle of Pueblo de Taos on the 4th of February last.

Having known long and intimately the late captain, I can not forbear observing that for personal worth and professional excellence in his particular arm of service the deceased has left no superior behind him. The announcement of his death—”this morning learned—”has cast a gloom over the hearts of all at this post who ever knew him professionally or personally.

I transmit also a copy of a letter this morning received from Lieutenant Ingalls, now in command of the late Captain Burgwin’s company, which furnishes a brief account of the affair of the 29th of January near Embudo and of that of the 4th of February at Pueblo de Taos.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

C. Wharton, Lieutenant-Colonel First Dragoons, Commanding. Brig. Gen. R. Jones,

Adjutant-General, Washington, D. C.

P. S.—”I have just obtained and send you a printed sheet from the Government printing office at Santa Fe, giving details of the several affairs between our forces and the Mexicans up to the 15th of February last.

C. W.

MR040947DragoonLtr021347

Missouri Republican, April 9, 1847

Tim Kimball’s extract of letter from a member of the late Capt. J. H. K. Burgwin—™s company (G) 1st U.S.  Dragoons, to a member of the same company [Pvt. John J. O—™Meally is the only —œG— Company man so shown, left sick June 7, 1846, in April assigned to Daily duty in the commisary department], at Fort Leavenworth, Mo., the letter was dated at San Fernado de Taos, N. M., 13th February, 1847:In consequence of the massacre that had taken place at Taos, we received orders to repair to Santa Fe immediately, and next morning the 23rd January, we commenced our march on foot, every member in the company being in the best spirits.  We arrived in Santa Fe the 26th; next day we pushed on and overtook.  Col. Price—™s command, he having marched out of Santa Fe some time before our arrival.  On the 29th our company, with our once favorite Captain at its head, and two companies of Col. Price—™s volunteers, had a skirmish with the enemy near El Emboda [Embudo], killing eight, and wounding upwards of twenty of them.  But one on our side (a volunteer) was killed, none wounded.  But the cause of this expedition I must more full explain.

The Indians near Taos, and some Spaniards in that valley, numbering some 2000, headed by a fellow named Pablo Montoya, who called himself the —œSanta Anna of the North,— rose in revolt, and murdered Gov. Bent and ten other Americans who lived in Taos.  They then marched for Santa Fe.  They were met by Col. Price at Canada, where he obliged them to retreat.  Col. Price—™s command was but two hundred men.  The second meeting, I have mentioned above.  Capt. Burgwin was in command.  On the road, we heard that they were fortifying themselves in a village beyond San Fernando, about three miles.

On the 3rd of February we arrived at this place, and after resting less than an hour, resumed our march to El pueblo, a large Indian village, in which the enemy were fortified.  About 2 P. M. the command was drawn up in front of the village; Capt. Burgwin and his dragoons on the right extended as skirmishers.  The battalion of Missouri volunteer infantry in the centre, and the mounted company of volunteers from Santa Fe—”storekeepers, trader, &c., and dismounted companies of Col. Price—™s regiment, on the left—”in all about four hundred men.  The village consists of two large edifices, or piles, of houses, built one over the other, and so formed as to make each an almost impregnable fortress in itself.  Each occupied an area of at least one acre of ground, and in the centre was nearly sixty feet in height.  Almost immediately in front of these stood the church, and few scattering houses and fodder stacks.  In front of the church ran a wall six feet high, and fifty or sixty yards long; this was their breastwork.  All the buildings were pierced with loopholes, for the convenience of their marksmen.

Our artillery, consisting of four 12 pound howitzers, and one 6-pounder field piece, was placed at the distance of six hundred yards from the church, and commenced a fire in the direction of an opening between the church and the building on the right and rear of it.  In this direction the Indians slowed themselves in great numbers, yelling defiance at us.  The ammunition was soon expended as the wagons containing supplies for the guns had been left in the mountains, having broken down.  But I must go back a little in my tale.  When we arrived in front of the village, were still in a lose order, the Indians opened fire upon us with rifles from a breastwork.  All their balls went over us except one, which struck Serg—™t Vanroe—™s left pocket of his pantaloons, cutting through it, and lodging in a piece of tobacco which he had that morning providently put there.  The tobacco saved his life sirus doute [intended as, —œwithout a doubt—?].

At 4 P. M. we formed in close order and marched back to this place, when we got quarters.  As we marched off the Indians set up a yell of defiance (thinking that we were alarmed at their hostile appearance and the strength of the village,) jumped over their breastwork and danced in their peculiar manner, while the Spaniards who were leagued with them, halloed in Spanish, —œVenaci, tu tiene miedo  d—™nosotros.— (Come here, you are afraid of us.) On the following morning, our ammunition wagons having arrived, we marched fully determined to take the village.  On our arrival there the command was placed as follows:  Capt. Burgwin—™s Dragoons extended to the right and front of the church, the remainder opposite the left of the village, two of the howitzers on the right and front, 500 yards distant; the other two and the field piece, on the left and front, 600 yards from the church.  The fire of the artillery commenced about 8 and continued until 11 a. m., doing but little damage besides knocking off the corners of the houses.

Col. Price then saw that the only way to obtain possession of the place would be by a desperate charge up the breast work and church and the endeavor to take the latter.  He gave orders to Capt. Burgwin to that effect, who was to lead the charge with his dragoons as soon as a company of infantry would join us.  The other dismounted troops were to charge at the same time from the left.

The companies joined us and Capt. Burgwin moved forward at the signal he had sounded by our bugler.  At the very word —œCharge,— every one ran for the breastwork.  I was the first to reach it and saw the Indians compressed into the church.  I shot one between the shoulders and killed him dead; the enemy fled but kept up the incessant fire from the houses and [log palisade?] near the side of the church.  The outer work gained, a shout of success arose from every man, but it was soon slightly damped by the news of the death of our first sergeant, Geo. R. Ross, and three privates of dragoons under him.  The check was however only momentarily felt by the others; the axes were used to cut holes in the wall of the church, the body of which was supposed to contain 80 or 100 of the enemy, who kept up a continual fire of rifles and arrows from the ledge near the roof.  At this time Capt. Burgwin took a part of his dragoons, and ran around the left wall of the church and gained the door, which they intended to break open, but it was soon found to be a dangerous position, as they were still more exposed to the fire of the enemy from the house.

Capt Burgwin and four men were dangerously wounded and but two or three of the party escaped unharmed.  The Capt. and wounded men were taken off to the surgeons as quick as possible, as those who carried them were exposed to a deadly fire from the largest of the two houses.  The fire on our side was kept up with spirit; as soon as an Indian or Mexican was seen crossing the street, two dozen carbines were fired and always with effect.

The enemy were constantly on the watch, as soon as one of our men showed himself, he was fired at by a dozen rifles, but mostly without effect.  The greatest execution on the side of the enemy was done by a rifle, said to have been done by a white man [most often reported to be the Delaware, —œBig Nigger,— who did survive], who was subsequently shot.  He killed five of our men and wounded ten others.  Private Stewart of our company (a Scotchman), with the boldness of his countrymen, climbed to the roof of the church, set fire to the projecting timbers, and descended to the ground in safety, notswithstanding the manner in which he was exposed.

The infantry on the left, covered by the large wall of the church, did at this time but little service, and although they tried to effect an entrance into the church by means of axes, their progress was slow and after we had kept our dangerous position for more than three hours, they had not been able to accomplish their object.  The field piece was then brought to bear upon the church, at the distance of 100 yards, and about twenty shots fired from it which made a breach in the wall large enough to admit two men abreast.  A lighted bomb was then thrown in by Lieut. Wilson and his example was soon followed by others.  Sergeant Koch of our company, privates [Joseph L.] Nixon*, and Holcomb entered the breach, but were by a few minutes forced to retreat by the smoke, the result of the bursting of the bombs and the fire in the roof, which had accumulated.  They, however, remained long enough to discover that the place was deserted by all but the dead, of which a goodly number were lying on the floor.  The artillery meantime had been playing upon the building to the left and soon after we obtained possession of the church it was discovered that few, if any, Indians remained in it.

The building was taken by the troops and a good shelter achieved.  At the same time a number of the enemy made a sortie to gain the mountain.  Capt. St. Vrain—™s company (mounted), which had hitherto done nothing, now charged upon the, killing fifty-two; the remnant, owing to the lateness of the day, escaped in the bushes and it was supposed, crawled back to the village.  About that time a white flag was raised upon the houses on the right, but had scarcely appeared before a dozen muskets [that is, voluteers—”Dragoons carrying carbines]were levelled[sic] at the bearer and he and his flag were literally shot to pieces.  This was a shameful act but an excuse can be offered as the men were exasperated by the death of their comrades and had no thought but that of revenge.  The firing on our side was then ordered to cease, as the enemy had not fired a gun for twenty minutes.  At dark the men proposed to seek repose after their hard day—™s work; a guard of 100 men was set around the town.

At day light the following morning, a flag of truce was sent to the Colonel which was accepted on condition that the survivors should conduct themselves peaceably, and also surrender the goods which they had stolen from the traders and others in the valley of Taos.  The day was spent by the troops in searching for the stolen goods and about 4 P. M.  we left the village to its owners and quartered in this town.  For the detail of the storming of that village you are partly indebted to Sergeant Koch, as of the occurrences had not been noticed by me.

This action should be reckoned as among the most severe that has occurred in modern days.  The buildings in which the enemy were, are built of mud one house over the other, a score of them forming the basement and the wall of each being at least four feet thick.  Numerous loop holes were cut to these walls from which a fire was kept up on our exposed company, and would have proved most destructive had the marksmen been good —“our possession of the church disheartened the.  They thought that their saint (St. Jerome), and image of whom stood in the church had deserted them and their efforts after that were feeble and fruitless.  To their superstition we chiefly owe the victory.  A Victory, indeed, dearly purchased by the single death of our brave, our dauntless and our ever good Captain.  But his own —œG— proved itself and has won laurels and as far as was in our power, revenged his death, and our other comrades and fellow soldiers who fell with him.  Had two hundred American possession of those buildings ten time their number could not have dislodged them.  Heavy artillery could do it—”but nothing else. It was said that at one time it was besieged by 2,500 Spaniards for ten day, and at another by 3,000 Comanche and Apache Indians for three months; in both cases the besiegers were obliged to withdraw with the loss of two-thirds of their number, and without doing any injury to the besieged.  But it did not prove invincible to American soldiers.  In one day we gained possession of it.

The loss of the enemy is supposed to have been 200.  We lost on the 4th Sergeant  [George B.] Ross, privates [Eldridge] Brooks, [Nelson] Beebe, and [Michael] Seviey; next morning [Jacob] Hunsaker died of wounds, and on the 7th, Capt [John H. K.] Burgwin and private [Isaac] Truax died of wounds; and on the 10th, private [Frederick] Schneider.  Those of the dragoons wounded and now in hospital of our company are: Sert. Vanroe, Corporals Engleman and Linneman, privates Anderson, Blodget, Crain, [Zenas] Beach*, Deetz, Hagenback, [William] Hillerman*, [John] Mear*, Sinkenberg, Shay, and [William?] Walker, 1st—”the two last are only slightly wounded, none are dangerous.  On the 6th, Montoya, the leader of the Spanish rebels was hung in the presence of the troops in this town.  The command with the exception of our company (that it, all that is left of it.) and the battalion of infantry, under Capt. Angney, have gone to Santa Fe.  The loss of the volunteers was one officer, one sergeant, and five privates killed, and ten wounded.  Sergeant [Eldridge G.] Towle, Corporal [John J.] Price, and four privates, of company —œI,— first dragoons, volunteered and came with us, attached to our company from Santa Fe.  They were all in the action.

[*indicates men redistributed from or still held on rolls of Co. B.]

SANTA FE, Feb. 17, 1847

P.S.—”We arrived here yesterday.  As soon as our men recover, we will again march to our former station at Albuquerque.  It is rumored here that the lower Pueblo Indians with the Navajos will rise against the Mexicans and as we are bound to protect the latter, we shall have plenty to do-—”so look out for more victories.  If we should have any more engagements and my skull not cracked, I shall give you minute details on everything that occurs.  In all probability we shall be ordered to California.

Captain Burgwin, Governor Bent and District Attorney Leal were buried at the fort on the hill on the 13th instant with the honors of war and a salute of fifteen cannon.  The funeral procession was joined by all the Spaniards of note for fifty miles around Santa Fe.